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Sir Charles W. Macara, Bart. 


Modern Lancashire 















TURE - 125 



SATURDAY, ETC. - - - - 177 


A. The Cotton Industry : A comprehensive 
Survey from the Earliest Times, 
A paper prepared, at the request of 
the Belgian Government, by Sir 
C. W. Macara, Bart., and delivered 
at the Ghent Exhibition, 1913 - - 191 




B. America : Address on the Opening Day 

of the International Convention of 
Cotton Growers, Spinners and Repre- 
sentatives of the Cotton Exchanges, 
Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A., 1907 - 209 
President Roosevelt : Correspondence, 

etc. - 218 

C. Egypt : Address on the Opening Day 

of the International Cotton Confer- 
ence, Alexandria, 1912 - - 222 

The Development of the Sudan : Deputa- 
tion of the British Cotton Growing 
Association to the Prime Minister 
(1913) : British Government re- 
quested to guarantee a loan of 
3,000,000 - - 233 

Reception by Viscount Kitchener at 

Cairo - - 239 

Text of Illuminated Address - - 245 

D. India : Deputation of the International 

Cotton Federation to the Most Hon. 
the Marquess of Crewe, Secretary of 
State for India - - 249 

E. The Industrial Council : An article 

contributed to the "Financial Review 
of Reviews " by Sir C. W. Macara, 
Bart., Oct. 1911 - - - 253 

Industrial Unrest : Inquiry by the 

Industrial Council .... 272 

Capital and Labour : Paper read before 
the British Association. Manchester 
Meetings, 1915 - ... 276 

F. Letter to President of the Free Trade 

Union, 1909 - - ' - - - 289 



Defence of Mr. Macara's position by 
the Chairman of the Manchester 
Royal Exchange 295 

What the Leaders of the Operatives in 
the Cotton Trade and Allied Indus- 
tries think of Protection - - 298 
Manifesto against Tariff " Reform," 

with List of Signatures - - 299 

Lancashire's Verdict - - 312 

The Indian Cotton Duties, 1917 : 
Interviews with a representative of 
the Manchester Guardian - - 318 

G. Women on the Land : The Needs of 

Agriculture - 321 

Speech on Trafalgar Day, 1916 - - 324 
Tribute to Lord Kitchener - - - 327 


SIR CHARLES W. MACARA, BART. - Frontispiece 
(From a painting by C. Rowley.) 

Presented by the General Committee of the 
Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' 
Associations, January, 1909. 


LADY MACARA - - - - - - 182 


(From a painting.) 


(From a miniature). 

Wife of the founder of Henry Bannerman & 
Sons; grandmother of Sir Henry Campbell- 





Chairman of the Honourable East India 




ONE of the best gifts for life is to be born into a 
definite positive atmosphere ; to be racial ; to taste 
of the soil; to have flavour, aroma, and what 
one may call bite. There is a number of such 
atmospheres. Sometimes it is a social stratum. 
The English governing classes are a social 
atmosphere to themselves. To be born into an 
English governing family is to belong to a soil and 
climate and to be one of the definite cultures of life ; 
it is to have a bias a bias in this instance towards 
public life, and an instinct and a habit for public 
affairs. There are counties and corners of the 
earth, again, in which it is almost momentous to 
have been born. To begin life in Aberdeen, for 
example, is to begin it with a start. 

Fifeshire again, is a fermentation of human 
character, the forcing ground of a distinct type of 
man. Charles Wright Macara was a son of the Free 
Kirk Manse. This also was an atmosphere an 
atmosphere oxidised by strong principles, enlarged 


by the historic experience which is called " The 
Disruption," enlightened by the familiar play of 
great names and great ideas. Nor was this all. On 
another side he was connected by many ties with 
the government of India, and heard much of life 
and of death in the remote and burning plains of 
Empire, and, fed and nourished thus on strong 
traditions, he was, himself a Fifeshire village lad, 
equally at home with the son of the laird and the 
son of the ploughman ; in and out of the cottages 
of one of the knottiest peasantries of Scotland. 

These experiences, though he may not have 
known it, were the silver spoon in the mouth of the 
young Charles Macara. They were the preparation, 
and almost the predestination of the life he was to 
live. It was his own wish to be a soldier. The manse 
at Strathmiglo looked at the proposition, but was 
not wealthy enough to entertain it, and we 
shall see him going into business, making his 
own way, and then, in later years, when his real 
nature began to get its scope and its chance, 
bringing into the industrial affairs of England the 
qualities of strategy, management and providing 
which would have made him a successful leader on 


the field. Lancashire got what the Army and what 
India lost a general who knew when to advance, 
and, not less important, when and how to retreat; 
one who could fight a stern battle, and, when the 
time came, negotiate a lasting peace. It was he who 
very largely gave Lancashire a new sense and a 
new habit of organisation ; he ushered in the new 
age of the collective spirit. 

Others of an earlier age had won Lancashire her 
freedom. In the forties the object of statesmanship 
was to get undone things which ought not to have 
been done ; in the nineties the problem had changed, 
and was to be stated in terms of getting done things 
which could no longer safely be left undone. It 
was Charles Macara who very largely showed how. 
His business career is part of the public life of 



The Macaras are a clan. They are related to the 
larger clan of Macalpine, and their origin is traced 
to the Trossachs. Charles Macara was the eldest 
of the seven children of the Rev. William Macara, 
and was born at Strathmiglo, a Fifeshire village, in 
1845. William Macara, the father, was born in 



Glasgow in 1812. He had a distinguished though 
distant relation in the person of a certain Colonel 
Sir Robert Macara, who flowered during the 
Napoleonic wars into the full command of the 
Royal Highlanders, and gave up his life at Quatre 
Bras, the day before Waterloo. 

In the landscape of family history its 
secluded pastures of quiet living and sober 

I undulations of achievement and character this Sir 
Robert Macara, a soldier steeped and seasoned in 
the strong martial brine of his times, the colonel 
of the wild and barbaric Black Watch, promoted 
and finally decorated for eminence on the field, and 
cut down at last on the eve of the supreme agony 
of Waterloo, occurs like an abrupt eminence, 
sudden, solitary and scarred, a spasmodic upheaval 
of the family habit into adventure and romance. 
But for him the family of William Macara was 
made of the good plain prose of Scottish citizen- 
ship : it was a family, at any rate, in which " 
the ministry and the pulpit were the natural 
outlet of superior promise, and so we find 
that in 1836 William Macara, after a period 
of study at the Glasgow University, was licensed 


as a preacher of the Gospel by the Glasgow 
Presbytery of the Church of Scotland. It was a 
step towards ordination, though it still fell short 
of the full degree, and in the next few years William 
Macara is acting as assistant to one elderly and 
eminent Divine after another in the cities of 
Glasgow and Perth. 

It was a period of great crisis and moment in 
Scottish politics and theology. The waters were 
definitely racing and churning to the brink of the 
Disruption ; the Free Church of Scotland was 
stirring to its birth, and we get glimpses of William 
Macara, a fine presence in the pulpit and the parish ; 
strong swimmer in the excited waters of con- 
troversy ; heart and soul with the party of Chalmers ; 
edifying his congregation in Free Church principles 
with such a thoroughness of edification that, when 
the Disruption occurred, the church at Perth 
left the Establishment with hardly the shed- 
ding of a single member; now attending the 
first General Assembly of the Free Church 
of Scotland ; now hurrying back to Perth, 
where he preached twice the next day from texts so 
minutely applicable to the crisis, and so completely 



expressive of his own views, that the argument may 
be said to have been clinched in their mere 
announcement. Still lacking full ordination, he 
was unable to take part in the solemn spectacle in 
St. Giles' Cathedral on May i8th, 1843, at which 
the seceding ministers asserted the spiritual 
independence of the Church of Christ, and then, 
bench after bench, and file after file, withdrew 
from the presence of the secular authority, but he 
joined them, so to speak, in the cold grey light of 
the street outside, and lent all his will and strength 
to the practical business of the next moment, which 
was an urgent exercise, not of theory, but of action. 
Born of the spirit, the new Church had yet to be 
born of the flesh ; the Word had to be incarnated 
in a Church, in a governing mechanism, in a 
membership, in bricks and mortar. The problem 
came down from the high ground of pure thought, 
and wandered among the temporalities of law and 
architecture and finance. 

The Free Church of Scotland was a model of 
practical statesmanship. Chalmers himself was at 
once a scholar, a saint and a consummate man 
of affairs, a churchman at once of the highest 


inspiration, and of the most finished technique, and 
we can perceive among his associates and followers 
a certain polish and suavity, a kind of smoothness 
and an aptitude for the world of men, which 
came of much rubbing against hard and practical 
affairs. It was to be seen in the character of 
William Macara. He was of a school of accom- 
plished ecclesiastics. We have heard how he 
hastened away from his first General Assembly 
to confirm the knees of his congregation at Perth. 
The question what he should say was less urgent 
than the other question, where he should say it. 
Excluded from his own Church, he preached in a 
hired schoolroom, and afterwards accepted for 
himself and his congregation the temporary shelter 
of a Wesleyan Chapel. Out of such confusion the 
Free Church of Scotland gradually emerged. 
William Macara himself became, in 1844, the 
minister, fully ordained now, of the Free Church 
of Scotland at Strathmiglo, where he sustained for 
forty-five years a supremely diligent and well- 
ordered ministry of the Gospel. He was a typical 
son of his climate and his times; had played his 
part in one of the greatest events of Scottish history, 



and Charles Macara, born at Strathmiglo, drew his 
earliest breath in an atmosphere saturated in large 
ideas, strong purposes and illustrious names. It 
was perhaps a better patrimony than either money 
or an estate. 

Shortly after his settlement at Strathmiglo in 
1844 William Macara was married to Charlotte 
Grace Cowpar, a devoted daughter of the Free 
Church of Scotland, and a faithful follower of the 
Disruption movement in Perth. She was the 
daughter of a substantial farmer who had been 
Colonel of the Forfarshire Militia, but, being left 
an orphan at the age of five, she was, with a 
sister and several brothers, affectionately sustained 
and brought up by an uncle. This uncle the 
great-uncle of Charles Macara was Major-General 
Sir Archibald Galloway. The rush of young 
Scotsmen into the Indian Service, which was 
started in the late years of the eighteenth century 
by Dundas, the friend of William Pitt, carried 
young Archibald Galloway into a humble office, 
from which he rose by his own abilities, until he 
became finallv Chairman of the Roard of jfhe 


Honourable East India Company, and left the 
name of Galloway high up among the Scottish 
names which we find written large in Indian history. 
In India Sir Archibald Galloway had a double 
reputation as an administrator and a soldier. He 
is numbered with contemporaries like Lord Gough 
and Sir Marion Durand, in the company of great 
Indian soldiers. His own military service included 
much fierce and breathless fighting in the Punjab 
war, which gave him the experience of no fewer 
than thirty-five engagements. His career as an 
administrator was long and distinguished. He 
took to India the habits of a Spartan, with the result 
that thirty-five years of active service left his 
capacity for service still unexhausted, and he was 
able to give a further period of fifteen years to 
the service of the Board in London, death finally 
overtaking him in the office of Chairman. One of 
his sons was a magistrate in the Indian Civil 
Service, and during the Mutiny was killed at Delhi. 
A grandson, born at Delhi, Admiral Galloway 
(retired), has had a distinguished career in the Royal 
Navy. In the family of Mrs. William Macara 
Sir Archibald Galloway created a powerful 



Indian tradition. The Manse at Strathmiglo 
was in contact with the governing type of 
mind, and heard the echoes of tumultuous 
events. It became connected by many intimate 
ties with the administrative and military service 
in India, and quivered with the anguish of the 
Mutiny. To young Charles Macara India seemed 
to offer a possible opening. Life, as it turned out, 
had him reserved for other purposes, but meanwhile 
India, with its legends of service and sacrifice and 
death, was another point of view. It blended with 
much subtlety with the austere influences of the 
Free Church and the rich exhalations of life and 
character which arose from the village community 
of Strathmiglo. 

Strathmiglo was indeed very formative, and the 
son of the Free Church minister had the freedom of 
the parish, and was in contact with all its social 
varieties. The parish of Strathmiglo is divided 
between the three Scottish counties of Fifeshire, 
Perthshire, and Kinrosshire. It was the home 
of a well-marked and well-defined community, 
a nursery of character, and, in a word, an atmo- 
sphere. William Macara's congregation in the 



Free Church of Strathmiglo consisted very largely 
of the farmers who cultivated a rich and fertile 
countryside, but, behind the farmers, and in their 
midst, was a settlement of handloom weavers, who 
held the secret, and prospered by the production 
of a fine linen damask. The modern factory system 
has swept up the weavers and their craft into its 
palm. They have been pocketed by the mechanical 
giant, and have disappeared. But in the middle 
of the last century they were a small and proud 
industrial autocracy. Many of these weavers 
owned their own cottages and weaving shops, and 
were the masters of their own lives. They were 
very much the same human material that Barrie 
found in Kirriemuir. 

Heads were extremely hard in Strathmiglo ; 
speech was broad, and faces were of granite ; 
definite views on politics and theology, and more 
especially theology, were to be had for the asking, 
or even without the asking. Dialectics and disputa- 
tion were a village sport, and even those who 
did not themselves play, were yet keen critics of the 
art and science of the game, and had the records 

of great performances at their finger tips. It was 



the home of the cruel political sport of " heckling." 
Political speakers who visited Fifeshire l in those 
days found themselves addressing an audience 

which, for all the response and reaction that could 


be won from it might have been the Sphinx. 
Whatever such a frozen silence might have be- 
tokened in Sussex or in Kent, in Fifeshire it was but 
the mask of an extreme activity of mind. The man 
and his argument were undergoing minute examina- 
tion, and the result, whether favourable or unfavour- 
able, was not yet determined. The speech was, in 
fact, an essential, but rather dull preliminary to 
the real business of the evening, which began when 
a questioner in the body of the hall, an accepted 
master of the art, proceeded to balance the speaker 
on a series of cunningly-invented logical dilemmas, 
the process causing an excitement which, in other 
parts of the country, is reserved for wrestling or 

Strathmiglo was like that. Sufficient as the 
village was unto itself, great scenes and great ideas 
were yet perceptible on every quarter of its far 

i. Strathmiglo is in the constituency which Mr. Asquith has 
represented for many years. 



horizons. From hills in the parish which would 
be climbed by any adventurous youth, the whole 
kingdom of Fife could be seen stretched to the 
boundaries, where it faded into the firths of Forth 
and Tay ; in one direction the North Sea broke 
its teeth on the confines of high tide ; in yet another, 
Edinburgh Castle could be seen reared above the 
murk of the romantic, towering city. Towards the 
west lies Loch Leven, with its island castle in 
which Mary Queen of Scots was imprisoned, and 
further off are the hills overlooking the field of 
Bannockburn, on which King Robert the Bruce 
marshalled his camp followers a strategic move 
which is said to have had a considerable effect on 
the result of the memorable battle. 

The Disruption of 1843 cut across Scottish society 
vertically, and not after the fashion of religious 
revivals in England, horizontally. People of the 
highest social standing and consequence went over, 
they and their houses, to the Free Church of 
Scotland. It was, in fact, a body to which that 
personal question as to the rich man and entrance 
into the Kingdom of Heaven came home, in the 


case of many pointed instances. However that 
question may be determined, there is no doubt that 
a rich and powerful laity in the pews ministered 
considerably to the social lustre of the pulpit. In 
his own parish, the Free Church Minister had a 
standing comparable with that of the English rector 
or vicar in his, and in the faithful parishes of 
Fifeshire, while the momentum of the Disruption 
was still unspent, there was a catholicity in the 
social quality of the office to which no other 
reformed ministry could pretend. Nor was this 
all. The migration of Scotsmen into England, 
which excited so much attention in the days of 
George III., was still proceeding. There were many 
Scottish merchants in London ; there \vas a powerful 
Scottish community in Manchester. These exiles 
were in full sympathy with the great movement 
of 1843, and the Free Church minister in his remote 
Scottish parish found himself associated by many 
ties of faith and friendship with a new mercantile 
aristocracy in England. 

We shall see how this, and not India or the 
Army, gave Charles Macara his opening into life. 
Meanwhile, although the son of the Manse, he is in 


attendance at the Strathmiglo parish school, 
rubbing shoulders, after the Scottish fashion, with 
the son of the laird and the son of the ploughman. 
No schooling could have been better for one who 
was called on in after years to meet Labour and 
the leaders of Labour at the level table of negotia- 
tion, and to act as a diplomatist in the strained 
relations of class and class. Always very definitely 
a member of his own class, correct and polished in 
speech, punctilious in clothes and all that makes 
the outer man, Charles Macara yet possessed, in a 
very marked degree, the faculty of talking to the 
workman and his leader as man to man. He 
neither strutted nor did he seem to condescend. 

Meanwhile at Strathmiglo the process of academic 
instruction went on. The elements he had from the 
parish school. Latin he had from his father, in 
systematic doses, to which the lad, who had strong 
lungs and legs, and many errands of his own among 
the hills and on the sea-shores of Fife, offered a 
stout, but fruitless, resistance. But the time of the 
spreading of the wings was near. The village was 
good to be born in, but not so good to stay in. 
The first break in the long habit and routine of 



youth occurred with the departure to a public school 
in Edinburgh. At this school his academic 
education was continued till his seventeenth year, 
when it came to an end. Preparation for life had 
ceased ; life itself began without delay. The army 
was beyond William Macara's means. His son 
therefore came face to face with the problem of 
self-support. There was, however, one bank on 
which he could draw, and in which he had indeed a 
good account, and that was his father's good name, 
his high standing in the life of Scotland, his troops of 
friends. With such support as these things 
afforded, and with his own strong constitution and 
the clean generations behind him, he committed 
himself to the deep end of life. He took the far 
cry. The scene changed to Manchester ; the cry 
of the sea-birds dies away and the roar of the 
trodden streets begins. Charles Macara began in 
business. But he brought to it ambition and the 
large constructive view. He made the business life 
what it too seldom is a liberal profession and a 
public career. 





IT was in 1862 the high and pompous noon of the 
Victorian age that Charles Macara, then in his 
seventeenth year, arrived in Manchester. An 
opening had presented itself in the office of a firm 
of merchants in Mosley Street ; an economical 
lodging was secured in Rusholme, now devoured 
and digested by its great neighbour, but at that 
time a suburb and a seclusion into whose provincial 
peace the city omnibus sprawled every hour like the 
splashing of a stone in a pond. Life had begun. 
* * # * * * # 

If we look minutely at the outward and forbidding 
aspect of things, we shall find comparatively little 
change between Manchester of to-day and that 
earlier Manchester of the sixties, in which the young 
beginner pored over the ledgers of the Mosley Street 
firm, considered colours and examined textures 
beneath the dowdy light of the window-pane, 
wrestled with the furious crisis of the incoming and 
outgoing posts, and learned his way in and out of 



other warehouses, all of them tortuous with 
passages of frosted glass, all sweet and exotic with 
that miasma of raw calico, which, spread over the 
city and bottled in its narrow streets, gives 
Manchester its characteristic plantation smell, the 
smell of Uncle Tom's Cabin an exudation on 
warm and stagnant afternoons as of superheated 
humankind. Some superficial changes have been 
made, but not many. They are changes, not so 
much in the shape, as in the speed of life. 

In the sixties a youth sent across the town to 
collect an account or match a pattern would set 
his watch and calculate the period of his emancipa- 
tion by the Infirmary clock; or though this would 
be a little later if the errand was worth a ride, 
he would sling himself in a casual and absent- 
minded manner on to the foot-board of an omnibus 
which was feeling its way at the moment behind 
a cavalcade of somnambulistic horses, and at the 
end of his journey would duly drop off into the 
street, the horses knowing of his departure from the 
community behind them not so much by any 
disturbance in the routine of their four feet, as 

merely by the relief from so much weight. 



Blackpool, though it was beginning to be visited, 
was not then a suburb to which one transferred 
oneself in the course of a conversation or a survey 
of the leading articles and the market report, but 
was definitely a destination, a goal and a climax, 
approached cautiously by the successive and well- 
defined stages of Bolton, Chorley and Preston, after 
which the traveller, instead of being familiar as he 
is now with the landward slope of every tree, and 
the contour of every meadow of cows, entered rather 
into the acute and vivid sensations, and shared the 
romantic status of those who are a long way from 
home ; w r hile those who went to London knew that 
they were going several weeks before, and when 
the time came, prepared to make a day of the 
journey with collapsible sandwich tins, thereby 
tasting, however, a joy which has been crushed out 
of experience by the train which bolts the miles 
unmasticated, and never stops the joy of really 
going to London, of approaching London through 
the modulations of the Midlands and the home 
counties, savouring half a dozen different atmo- 
spheres at half a dozen deliberate and ceremonious 

stops the social suavity of the platform at Rugby, 



with its hunting men and sporting dogs; the 
tingling expectancy of Willesden ; the final surrender 
of dismembered tickets ; and, in a word, the adven- 
ture, the romance, the fidgets. 

Such was Manchester, and such its social timidity, 
its unsophistication in the days when Charles 
Macara tried at the door of fame and riches with 
the key of that humble opening in the warehouse 
of the Mosley Street firm. And yet Manchester 
belonged definitely, even then, to the superior class 
of the capital cities, and to the company of those 
which are looked to and resorted to by admiring, 
radiating, and by comparison benighted, communi- 
ties outside. It was an axis, a metropolis; it had 
provinces. To this fact the Art Treasures 
Exhibition, held while Charles Macara was still 
growing out of his clothes and thrusting his toes 
out of his boots in Strathmiglo, had borne striking 
testimony. In the year of the Art Treasures 
Exhibition, Manchester summoned most of the 
North-west of England into the hushed presence of 
the arts of music and of painting ; flaunted crinolines 
so fabulous in diameter and circumference, that the 
turnstiles were choked and put out of action, and 




admission had to be given through gates originally 
designed for the entrance of pantechnicons; and 
promenaded with rhythm and composure on broad 
and embroidered walks to the admiration of the 
rustic thousands whom the excursion trains had 
collected, and would, with the fall of night, restore 
to the upper watersheds of population, remote 
bleak and exposed. 

This was Manchester society, and if further 
proof of its substance and sensibility was wanting, 
it was to be found in numerous shops, the names 
of which were beginning to occur in the politer 
conversation, and their habit to be incorporated 
into the sa-voir vivre of an appreciable acreage of 
England; in the possession of a rectangular and 
grimy building peremptorily and without fear of 
contradiction designated the Gentlemen's Concert 
Hall; in restaurants illuminated with gas and 
gleaming with monumental brides-cakes; in the 
visibility of a struggling club life behind the flat 
windows of Mosley Street; and in the hairdressers' 
shops, in which, on tessellated marble floors, and 
amid a riot of far-fetched perfumeries, the hair of 
the male sybarites was beginning to be brushed 



upwards by rotatory brushes on machines which 

In point of fact, the town had got too big for its 
boots. The modern world which struggled into birth 
in and through Manchester had dislodged the resi- 
dential population, and deposited it on sedate sub- 
urban slopes, just over the edge of the actual crater. 1 
Manchester people no longer lived in Manchester. 
It was by turns inundated and forsaken by the alterna- 
tions of a powerful and systematic human ebb and 
flow, and the mercantile streets exhibited after seven 
o'clock at night that state of suspended animation 
and condition of trance which is the characteristic 
of seaside pools left by the receded tide, such life 
as was visible that of a belated clerk or cleaner 
visibly seeking its egress into the native element 
which murmured low on the suburban shallows. The 
characteristic creations of this age and epoch were 
the stately suburbs of Rusholme, of Pendleton, and 
of Kersal. They were the homes of the authentic 
breed of Manchester men. Charles Macara was 
shaped in their school, and carried on their apostolic 

i. It was in 1832 that Cobden horrified Manchester by opening 
a warehouse in Mosley Street, and in 1845 that he went to live 
in Rusholme. 


succession. What manner, therefore, of men were 

One thing, at any rate, is certain. The type has 
largely disappeared. Its habitations remain, and 
can still be traced in Victoria Park and in 
Broughton Park ; on the terraced heights of Kersal 
and Prestwich, and in the weighty social settlements 
of Withington and Didsbury heavy four-square 
mansions approached by drives which fork away 
at a given point in their progress and pursue a 
north-west passage through a further afforestation 
of rhododendron bushes to the stables, where, in the 
bright morning of Manchester, grooms dressed 
well-matched horses for the afternoon round of calls, 
or for the Hall Concerts at night, and maids 
glanced out at them from upper windows in which 
cheval glasses indicated themselves majestically. 
Sometimes one of these houses is removed by a 
painful surgical operation, and a new social skin 
is grafted in small scarlet houses over the wound. 
Over large areas of these inner suburbs social 
anaemia has begun to indicate itself in a fading 
complexion and a feebler pulsation of life; they 
have become institutional, and the deaf and dumb, 

2 5 


the fatherless, and the patients of throat specialists 
count the hours where once the red family blood 
ran. From this house the family have been promoted 
into the landed aristocracy, and fallen upon a 
deep territorial sleep in Wales or the west of 
England ; in another they have encountered and 
failed to survive the searching test of the third 

Much of the departing grandeur of the upper 
middle class was dismantled by the safety 
bicycle, which caused, in one season, larger social 
modifications and readjustments than the tall bicycle 
the devotees of which were, and remained until the 
end, a sort of dedicated caste, a kind of alpine 
club accomplished in thirty years. 1 Still more of 
this stripping of the pageantry and the trappings 
of life was done by the motor car. One motor car 
differeth not very much from another in glory, and 
the difference, where it principally resides, is 
invisible and inexplicable to the popular intelli- 
gence, but the horses and carriages of the sixties 
and of the seventies and eighties, the three decades 

i. The only man of eminence I can discover who committed his 
limbs and life to the tall bicycle was Robert Lowe, afterwards 
Viscount Sherbrooke. 



being spiritually identical, not only signalled a con- 
siderable social consequence, but specified many of 
its gradations, from the estate and twilight condition 
of dowagerdom, unmistakably notified in the elderly 
white horse and coachman not without a suspicion 
of adhesive straw, to noontide family splendour 
indicated in buckskin and cockades, flying foam and 
bevelled glass, behind which some great personal 
force could be seen communing with itself as it 
drove home. Sweeping the gravelled roads of 
Victoria Park ; keeping themselves warm by 
gingerly perambulations during long afternoons 
of fitting and trying on in King Street and St. 
Ann's Square; assembling on Thursday nights 
outside the Free Trade Hall so that no man could 
count them, and outside Nonconformist Chapels on 
Sunday mornings in appreciable numbers ; flashing 
their owners to public ovations at great meetings, 
and bringing them back to Meadow Bank and 
Hopefield and Sunnyside after homeric victory or 
defeat at the polls, they indicated the magnificence 
and variety of the social landscape in the days 
before Manchester had dispersed itself over two 

counties and along two coasts, before limited 



liability had drained much of the nourishment out 
of the soil of Lancashire, filled up the valleys of its 
society, and evolved Oldham. 

But it was not only for his chariots and his 
horses, combined as these things often were in his 
life with the personal habits of a Spartan, and an 
inflexible custom of Christian service, 1 nor yet for 
his half-acre of back pew, with its sumptuous 
scriptures and dark blue rep, or for the famous 
physicians, in attendance at other times upon the 
Queen, who were telegraphed for to his sick bed, or 
the centipedic funeral which occurred when finally 
he died, that the Manchester man of this age was a 
notable and a personage. He was the heir of a still 
greater age ; he was a disciple. His youth had 
been brooded over by Cobden and Bright, and the 
League. He had seen what he had seen ; heard 
with his ears, and his father had told him. 

Manchester was a city with a soul. It stood for 
an idea. The counting houses of Portland Street 
and Mosley Street, the drawing-rooms and libraries 
behind the rhododendron bushes of Rusholme and 

i. One of the Cheetham family, who represented Lancashire in 
several of the mid-Victorian Parliaments, travelled from London to 
Ashton-under-Lyne every Saturday, without missing once, to teach 
his Sunday School class. 


Kersal, and the yellow stone houses among the 
damp enfoldments of the hills and vales of 
Lancashire where the calico printers lived, were 
altogether saturated in an idea. They were a 
" school." They had counted for more in modern 
thought than Oxford. They had melted their 
jewellery for a cause. They had organised stupendous 
bazaars, crowded together into meetings and 
subscription lists, and with one heave more, and yet 
another, had finally hoisted Manchester into the 
saddle from which she bestrode for two generations 
of time the public policy of England, Peel 
answering the hand on the bridle, Gladstone, 
through a long life, straining every sinew. And 
about the town there lingered for a long time, 
discernible in its men and its institutions, this 
flavour left by the passage of pure thought- 
astringent, antiseptic to the infections of merely 
growing rich. 

The principal hall of assemblage in the town, the 
one in which Charles Hall6 interpreted Beethoven, 
and audiences of the well-dressed warmed their 
hands at the faint mid- Victorian ecstasies and 

sorrows of the Songs Without Words, was called, 



not after the goddess of Music or the Prince 
Consort, not as in Liverpool after the patron saint 
of England, or, as in Bristol, after the philanthropist 
who gave the land and an endowment, but, in a 
manner unusual in England, after the name of an 
intellectual abstraction with which Manchester had 
been at once platonically and practically in love. 1 

It was not a vulgar city. 


Into this society, then, Charles Macara was 
launched, though not without the chance of picking 
up a favourable breeze. Though closely confined 
for the present to the undistinguished warehouse 
in Mosley Street, and walking a very narrow plank 
of spare cash, he yet had introductions, and there 
was no quarter of residential Manchester which did 
not offer him open doors. As a likeable lad with 
good and even distinguished connexions in Scot- 
land, he carried some social canvas. Canvas is 
rather a dangerous thing when there is still no 
great cargo, and only such ballast as seventeen or 
eighteen years can be expected to have stored, and 

i. The Free Trade Hall, opened in 1843 when the Anti-Corn 
Law League was moving swiftly to its triumph, and still so 
called, to the embarrassment of those who use it to preach the 
opposing doctrine. 



in those early days in Manchester, Charles Macara, 
sailing light, but not unhandsomely rigged, is 
beating down the treacherous channel of well- 
appointed, well-connected impecuniosity. Many 
have come definitely to grief in those shallows; 
others hang about them a life-time, and never reach 
the broad and buoyant water over the bar, 
biography, and particularly commercial biography, 
being crowded with the figures of those who have 
risen to wealth and station from nothing, but 
exhibiting comparatively few who have achieved 
the more difficult feat of rising from something. 
There is nothing so difficult to live down as a start 
in life. Charles Macara kept up appearances 
sturdily. Somehow or another he managed to 
square good looks, good manners, and a rather 
nicely-cut coat with very slender means. 

No one suspected that ends only just met. 
Mrs. Parlane a member of the Barbour family 
who invited him to her house in Stanley Grove 
on Saturdays, and put him in the way of 
meeting the wealthy Scottish set in Manchester 
the Barbours, the Bannermans, the Maclarens, the 
Thorntons, and the Blairs did not suspect it or 

3 1 


perhaps she did, and guessed that a better dinner 
than the Rusholme lodging, or the cheap restaurants 
in the town could supply at the price, would do a 
Fifeshire lad with an appetite almost as much good, 
if not more, than the conversation. 

The Grosvenor Square Presbyterian Church was 
a great resource. The fact is not always understood 
that in the days when the theatre was still regarded 
as malarial, miasmatic, and the music-hall was not 
less on the shady outskirts of the town than the 
mortuary, and there was nothing like the present 
free trade in pleasure, religious sectarianism was 
the principal calorific of the English towns, as it 
remains the principal calorific of the villages to this 
day roof, coals of fire, and fellowship. Sects and 
schisms they ran like heating pipes through cold 
chambers, radiating that very high degree of 
warmth which comes from the agreement and 
communion together of small and isolated, and in 
some cases despised minorities, spreading the arts 
of music, oratory and public affairs. Charles 
Macara found a debating society at Grosvenor 
Square, and in that society he disentangled the 

affairs of Church and State in the company of other 



young Scots John Alexander Beith, who became 
President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 
and John Kenworthy Bythell, who was afterwards 
the Chairman of the Directors of the Manchester 
Ship Canal. 

Meanwhile, on the commercial side, the prospect 
unfolded itself slowly. The day of small things in 
Mosley Street was followed by a temporary removal 
from Manchester to Glasgow, which had the 
attraction of being considerably nearer home. In 
Glasgow Charles Macara grew out of his first youth, 
added considerably, in the service of a firm of 
merchants, to his knowledge of business, and in 
1868, at the age of twenty-three, was able to take 
his first important post. This post he secured with 
the great jute firm of Cox Brothers, of Dundee. 
One of the four brothers who founded this business 
had married a cousin of Mrs. William Macara, of 
Strathmiglo, and it was through this relationship 
that Charles Macara came into contact with one of 
the super-firms of British industry, which carried on 
vast operations in Dundee and in India, and was 
represented in all the great commercial centres 
of the world. He was appointed to assist 



in representing it in Manchester, and this event 
may be taken as his definite beginning as a 
Manchester Man. All the ties which he had 
formed during his first brief stay in the city, and 
broken on his departure to Glasgow, were repaired, 
and it was not now as a lad who was glad of a 
friend, but as a young man who was beginning to 
be of definite account, that he joined the substantial 
society which gathered every Sunday morning in 
the Grosvenor Square Church for the preaching of 
Dr. Munro. The business of Cox Brothers had not 
been flourishing in the district of Manchester as 
the governing intelligence in Dundee desired that 
it should. Charles Macara gave it a new drive 
and new direction, and it was not long before he 
was at the head of the Manchester branch, with a 
free hand over a large area of commercial England. 
He held this office with the firm until 1880, when 
he was succeeded in it by a younger brother from 
the Manse at Strathmiglo, going himself in that 
year, to a larger sphere, and coming for the first 
time within sight of the work of his life. 


The House of 



IN 1875 Charles Macara, then in his thirtieth year, 
and still in the service of Cox Brothers, of Dundee, 
had taken the momentous step of marriage. The 
union which he made in that year was destined to 
turn decisively the current and direction of his life, 
and was not without its bearing on the course 
of events in Lancashire. It liberated into the 
atmosphere a new personal force. But not yet. 
Thus far, through the morally decisive years in 
which the deposits of living are laid in the small 
decisions of life, its daily and hourly refusals or 
assents, its yeas and its noes, its to-morrows and its 
nows, each one so diminutive that only a microscope 
could reveal its quality and structure, and yet 
forming in the mass a concrete so hard and fast 
that only a miracle shall modify its determinations, 
Charles Macara had planned and built his own 
fortunes. And so he continued to do for yet five 
years more after his marriage. During that period 
of time he still represented the Dundee firm, and 



added ounce by ounce, and inch by inch, to his 
weight and stature in Manchester. Then in 1880 
the call came to bigger things. The dawn broke, 
and found him ready to march. In that year he 
was summoned to one of the most famous of 
Manchester Houses. Marion Young, whom he 
had married five years before, was a daughter of 

the house of Bannerman. 


Bannerman 's ! It is not the full name of the 
old-established business house of which Charles 
Macara became in 1880 the managing partner. Its 
full name, with a summarisation of its calling and 
mission to the world, is written on the monumental 
brass-plate in York Street, but Manchester knows 
it emphatically emphatically, rather than briefly, 
for it is still a vibrant and sonorous name, a kind 
of deep-stop in the organ of the town's common 
speech as Bannerman's. Manchester is curiously 
precise and pedantic in the handling of its house- 
hold names. There are firms which are never sum- 
moned into conversation, but all the partners must 
appear on parade; others in which the attendant 
"company," the "sons" or "brothers," and, in an 



occasionally arresting instance, the " nephews," are 
invoked. And there are others which, with the 
same invariableness, float about the common talk 


like disembodied spirits. *' They have become 
elemental, and their names are short and stark. 
They have mislaid their minuter descriptions, like 
Melba and Patti, the resulting effect of the 
phenomenon being one of much grandiosity. It is 
by such curt and rough indications as " Philipses " 
and " Wattses " and " Rylandses " that Manchester 
signifies dynasties. A man has but to tell a 
suburban railway carriage, if the fact be not already 
perfectly well known, that he buys or sells for 
" Philipses," or more vaguely, but still intelligibly, 
that he is at "Wattses" and the whole carriage 
will immediately comprehend and moodily visualise 
the universe which he inhabits. To be like that is 
to be institutional. Bannerman's is like it. 

There is a state to be kept up. There are 
lingering domestications. It has china and silver 
and a man-servant. It dines. It has the faculty 
found only in the very proudest realms of trade and 
commerce, and reserved usually to private banks, 
though joint-stock banks noticeably aspire after it 



in their head offices, of totally preserving its dignity 
in the face of an unreserved odour due to the steam- 
ing of vegetables. These things imply tradition 
and length of days. They are the ways of 
merchant princes, and merchant princes are to be 
distinguished from the modern breed of professional 
millionaires, who rush furiously from boardroom 
to boardroom, and give out " yes " and " no " in 
the vestibules of expensive hotels. And then it is 
understood all over the town that Bannerman's has 
lofty associations and the fact is well in the general 
consciousness, though many are vague as to how it 
came about, that it gave a Prime Minister to 
England. York Street flows mutely by its feet 
and reflects contentedly its sedate, rectangular 
splendour. York Street itself belongs to the sober 
noon-days of Manchester. Its architecture is of the 
second period of the modern city ; the first, discover- 
able in the regions of Cannon Street, where, amid 
what were once the courts and alleys and lanes 
of the mediaeval town, lies the shameful debris of 
the orgy of profits, which began with the coming 
of steam ; the third represented by the self- 
consciousness of King Street banks. And over 



York Street, so sepulchral and unearthly oa 
Sunday, so soiled and secular on Monday, there 
broods the big sign-board with the big name. 



To unearth the founder of the firm we shall have 
to go back to Scotland, and in Scotland more 
precisely in Perthshire in the very earliest days of 
the nineteenth century, we shall find the Henry 
Bannerman of the York Street sign-board and the 
brass-plate. According to every rule of fortune- 
making, this Henry Bannerman, when we find him 
in the Perthshire farm, should be a promising, and 
probably it might turn out on a narrower examina- 
tion, a precocious infant in arms, or, at the most, 
he should be dreaming dreams and viewing the 
rural prospect with distaste at the tail of the plough. 
To our surprise we find that though owner of the 
land, he is himself the farmer; that the farm has 
been, not a failure, but a success; that he has a 
family of six sons, the eldest grown already to full 
manhood, and showing every likelihood of being a 
successful farmer too, and six daughters; and that 

he is himself at least fifty-five years of age. Henry 



Bannerman seems, indeed, when we first find him in 
the small hours of the nineteenth century, to have 
already determined and declared himself, and his 
career, as we survey its completed journey, resembles 
the course of a river, which, when almost within 
sound of the diapason of the awaiting sea, suddenly 
doubles back upon itself, turns inland again upon 
life, and finally winds home through a different 
latitude and a different physiography. 

Far away on his Perthshire farm, though not 
perhaps even in Perthshire beyond the reach of 
the travelling pack-horses which were distributing 
Manchester goods over far and wide, Henry 
Bannerman heard of the heaving commotions of 
that convulsed and chosen and apparently inspired 
city ; how that hardly a day passed but steam was 
admitted into the vitals of someone's mechanical 
hobby, and behold the thing worked ; how that the 
hand-loom weavers were leaving the eaves of 
domestic industry, still to be seen in the stone 
villages of undulating Lancashire, and were flocking 
for the great migration into factories, where they 
revealed themselves in a new social and spiritual 

significance as "hands"; how that the factories 



were an uproar, and that one of them in Salford 
had but recently been lighted by a new and dazzling 
illuminant peremptorily called "gas"; how that 
the newly-established Chamber of Commerce, or 
"Association of Trade," was beside itself with the 
habits of the gentiles who devoured Manchester 
goods, but recoiled from paying for them. It was 
the new age. To Henry Bannerman, mainly 
because we never recognise history when we see it 
in the making, it was not so much the new age as, 
and that even at fifty-five with its overfacing 
handicap, the new opportunity. It was, however, 
to be approached cautiously. David Bannerman, 
the eldest son, was sent to Manchester to survey 
the prospects on the spot. 

In the meantime the rest of the family remained at 
home, and the routine of the farm went on, seed-time 
and harvest and seed-time again. In Manchester 
David Bannerman began at once to do well. 
Within a few months he had a warehouse and a 
partner in Marsden Square which is to be seen 
to-day, an authentic remnant of early mercantile 
Manchester, and in a year or two Manchester itself 
is no longer an experiment. Word is sent to the 



family in Perthshire that it is no longer an 
experiment, but a result. Without further delay 
Henry Bannerman uprooted himself. He gat 
himself thence, so heavy the encumbrances that he 
carried with him, so numerous the family, such the 
tribe, and such, be it added, the faith, that it 
resembles a migration of the patriarchs. 

Nor was it carried out without adventures on the 
way. The journey was from Perthshire to Glasgow, 
and thence by sea to Liverpool. The vessel was 
fourteen days at sea, and the last twenty miles, 
after long waiting for a breeze that would serve into 
port, had to be done in an open boat. At last, 
however, it was accomplished, and the next news of 
the travellers is that the firm of Henry Bannerman 
and Sons the sons being David, the pioneer, 
Alexander, John and Henry, for Andrew, the 
youngest, became a calico printer in another firm 
has been established in Market Stead Lane, and is 
trading in fustians, cotton ticks, grey and white 
calicoes, nankeens, muslins and plain fabrics, and 
the family is living in Mosley Street, where it keeps 
two maids. It is possible out of various fossils 
preserved in the stratum of modern Manchester to 



re-furnish the former ages of the town. Tudor 
Manchester may still be imagined with the help of 
a conspicuous fragment in Market Place, but that 
other age, infinitely less distant in time, hardly less 
remote in spirit, during which some twenty years 
before the first cab was launched on the streets of 
Manchester, 1 the Bannermans lived in Mosley 
Street, has to be recovered from an occasional 
domestic doorway to a warehouse, though a more 
sustained similitude of it is to be found in St. John 
Street. 2 In such houses as may still be found in St. 
John Street, with their folding shutter boxes 
and candelabra, with the swift and steep ascent from 
the secularities of the front street door to the over- 
powering sanctities of upper chambers, with every 
plain surface concealed by its antimacassar, the life 
was lived lived by men whose rolling collars and 
love-lorn stocks, and generally ambrosial air, seems 
hardly in keeping with the severe commercial 
rectitude and counting house virtuosity which were 
also theirs. It was the classical age of Manchester ; 
the age of Cobden's citizenship; the age of Moses 
and the prophets. 

1. In 1839 its " stand " was in Piccadilly. 

2. The " Harley Street " of Manchester. 



Henry Bannerman died in 1823, his second career 
having lasted some fifteen years. Six years later, 
in 1829, his eldest son David, the pioneer of the 
family adventure, died also in the prime of life. 
He has the distinction in local history of being 
the first Dissenter to be elected borough-reeve, the 
executive head of the town, whose mediaeval and 
operatic office melts out of reality in the dawn of 
incorporation, and is reproduced in the plainer 
prose of the modern mayoralty. The family 
business was carried on by his brothers, and, after 
their retirement, by his two sons, James Alexander 
Bannerman and David Bannerman, and his nephew, 
William Young. 

The house of Bannerman was by this time 
prospering exceedingly. A succession of removals 
from one street in mercantile Manchester to another 
ended in the late thirties in the final settlement 
in York Street. As we approach the fifties and 
sixties, we find the sons of Henry Bannerman 
releasing themselves from the routine of Manchester, 
and becoming county gentlemen. Henry bought 
the Hunton estate, in Kent, which he developed, 

becoming in time one of the largest hop growers 



in England. He filled the office of High Sheriff of 
Kent, and died at Hunton Court in 1871. John 
bought the estate of Wyastone Leys in Hereford- 
shire, the Mansion House of which, on the banks 
of the Wye, is one of the notable homes of England. 
Considerable events attended on the marriages 
of the daughters of the Mosley Street house. Janet 
Bannerman married a certain James Campbell, who 
made a fortune in business in Glasgow, became 
Lord Provost of that city, and was knighted. The 
second son of this marriage, Henry Campbell, was 
made the heir of Henry Bannerman, of Hunton 
Court, added Bannerman to his surname, and as 
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, became Prime 
Minister of England. Another daughter married 
James Young, and it was owing to this marriage, 
and his own union with their granddaughter, 
Marion Young, that Charles Macara entered the 
firm at that critical moment, when its youth was 
spent, and its traditions growing a little dim. With 
his entrance the firm renews its youth, and 
begins to belong, as it had not belonged before, 
to the public life of Manchester. We shall see how 
the sedate dining-room in York Street sees miracles 



done in the handling of matters and men, and how 
for twenty-one eventful years York Street itself is 

something like the Downing Street of the cotton trade. 


It is from houses like that of Bannerman and the 
multitude of other houses like it in character, that 
Manchester gets its distinct commercial atmosphere. 
They give it its Venetian caste among the cities of 
the Empire. They radiate a powerful gentility, and, 
in Moss Side, Alexandra Park, and other bow- 
windowed and aspidistraed suburbs, nourish large 
populations which get their livings with pens 
behind their ears. This is often counted against 
Manchester for a reproach. Philosophers who have 
had occasion to lose their tempers with the town, 
have complained of it, and have sworn in their 
wrath that Manchester is sedentary ; that it is a city 
of middle-men, seignors and burghers, who make 
nothing but money, who spin not, neither do they 
weave, and have argued themselves, and would argue 
the world, into a low fever of cosmopolitanism ; and 
that the town is, in point of fact, a Babel of half the 
known and several of the unknown languages of 

the earth. The charge does not lie at any rate 



against the house of Bannerman, which spins and 
weaves as well as distributes, and as a general 
accusation against Manchester it conflicts awkwardly 
with the traditional military spirit x of the town. 
The truth is that the cotton trade, of which Charles 
Macara rose, as we shall see, to be the head in title 
and in fact, is about the highest and most nervous 
form of life in the kingdom of commerce, and the 
separation of function as between one member and 
another, though of the same body broker, spinner, 
yarn agent, manufacturer and merchant set in 
early, and grew more and more marked according to 
biological law. The second largest trade in the country 
after agriculture, it is as subject as agriculture to varia- 
tions in practice due to habit and climate and soil. 
South Lancashire spins, and North and North-east 
Lancashire weaves. In South Lancashire Bolton 
spins fine yarn, and Oldham just as inveterately 
spins medium and coarse yarns. 

Among the weaving towns, again, there are 
localisations, Blackburn and Burnley living largely 
on India, Nelson and Colne weaving coloured yarn. 
Bolton, which is on the dubious frontiers of 

i. Exhibited notably in 1914, when the sedentary warehousemen 
and clerks joined the colours en masse. 



spinning and weaving and has a foot in both 
camps, ministers to the feminine vanities of 
the civilized world. Where there are these 
fine shades of difference in manufacturing 
practice we should expect the more elementary 
distinction between the merchant and the manfac- 
turer. The earliest Lancashire manufacturer was 
his own distributor. For the home trade he 
employed travellers, who perambulated the country 
at the head of small processions of pack-horses; in 
such European countries as were open to him he 
had agents who sold his goods at periodical fairs, 
of which the fair at Frankfort in Germany was a 
notable example. It was to guard against the 
perils of this method of trading that the Chamber 
of Commerce, which afterwards took to high politics 
and won a place for itself in history, came into 

The rapid growth of the trade in the age of 

steam l split the rude organisation of the eighteenth 

i. The first steam engine for spinning cotton was erected in 
Manchester in 1789. Forty years later in 1830 Lancashire sent 
abroad cotton goods of the total value of ^19,428,000, and consti- 
tuting more than half the foreign trade of England. In 1860 the 
value of Lancashire's cotton exportation had grown to ^75, 551, 178. 
In 1913 England sent abroad in manufactured goods of all kinds 
the equivalent of ^"411,000,000, of which Lancashire contributed 
in cotton goods slightly less than one-third. The exportation of 
Lancashire piece goods to India alone, in one year before the 
European war, was more than ^37,000,000. 



century. The Manchester merchant disentangled 
himself from the main body of the trade, and 
Manchester, the seat of the market, began to acquire 
that exotic and outlandish flavour which contrasts 
so curiously with the stubborn, and as it is exhibited 
in Oldham, the ferocious insularity of the county. 
Much of the distributing business fell into the hands 
of the immigrant Scotsmen, of whom Henry 
Bannerman was one, and Charles Macara, in due 
time and succession, another. The German agents 
of the eighteenth century became the German 
residents of the nineteenth. It was the break-up in 
1825 of the Turkey Company, which intro- 
duced the Greeks, and settled them at Kersal, 
and the Greeks were followed in course of time by 
the Armenians and the miscellaneous company of 

the Levantines, the small change of humankind. 


The house of Bannerman 's was some seventy 
years old when Charles Macara came to manage it 
in 1880, and in the next few years he is busy in 
York Street spring-cleaning; breaking doors and 
opening windows into papistical chambers ; conquer- 
ing the active opposition, and, much more formid- 



able, the passive resistance of the pontifical spirit. 
The broad classification of Lancashire trade is into 
home and foreign, and home trade includes colonial 
trade, the raciality and psychology of the two 
being the same. He closed down the Canadian 
trade of the house, and abolished the fancy 
goods departments, which still remain a large 
part of the home and colonial trade of Manchester, 
and trained the firm exclusively on " heavy " goods, 
by which denomination Manchester understands 
such grave and reverend sanctities as counterpanes 
and curtains, quilts and sheets and blankets, flannels 
and calicoes and all the family of things which stand 
in relationship to the same idea. It is from these 
things, and the soul of these things, that a home 
trade warehouse gets its air of an intense domestic 
anxiety. They are the things which essentially and 
finally matter to life. More than furniture of wood 
or brass, and much more than ornaments of silver 
and of gold they breathe the spirit of careful and 
settled living. They are very near to life and death. 
They are the solicitude and circumspection of 
matrons. They are Manchester's contribution to 
the world. 


The Operatives 




BUT it is still neither primary nor essential 
Lancashire. The warehouse in York Street, York 
Street itself, and all mercantile Manchester, even 
Mosley Street round the corner, and perhaps 
especially Mosley Street with its banks and clubs, 
and its club-men twinkling like glow-worms in the 
eternal twilight of deep smoke-rooms, and applying 
themselves behind upper windows to cool and 
admirable luncheon tables even these things, and 
all these things together, are neither primary nor 
essential Lancashire. They are parasitical on 
Lancashire; an excrescence on the real life and 
organism. Nothing is more remarkable in 
Lancashire than the comparative invisibility of its 
typical and characteristic people. They are always 
behind the veil, and the best view of the cotton trade 
is to be obtained on the coast at Blackpool, or even 
further away than Blackpool, across the Irish Sea, 
in the Isle of Man, a self-governing unit of the 
British Empire which lives almost entirely on the 



profits of Lancashire's annual recreation of body 
and mind. Here, at the proper season of the year, 
we shall find the originals the assembled Card 
and Blowing Room hands, the amalgamated 
Spinners, the linked companions of the weaving 
sheds, and, in a word, the operatives, a term which 
has been appropriated by Lancashire, and, applied 
as it is to cotton workers alone among the regiments 
of mechanical craftsmen, reflects the pronounced 
delicacy of the process, and the skill rather than 
strength of those who carry it on. 

At Blackpool we shall find the true types. The 
overlooker in a Sabbatical garment, surmounted 
by a new cap of pale grey, maintains behind a 
ceremonious cigar, a sturdy independence of the 
sunset; his wife, a pace and a half behind him, is 
absorbed in the passive assimilation of oxygen, and 
the frequency of the salutations, the plentiful 
occurrence in conversation of familiar and self- 
explanatory names-" our James Henry " and " our 
Violet" are due to the circumstance that a whole 
street, and probably almost a whole town, has risen 
en masse and migrated to the coast. Nothing is 

new to them except their surroundings. At night 



the electrification of the town is seen twenty miles 
out to sea by lonely mariners; and multitudes as of 
the Apocalypse sway to the music of great orchestras 
on floors of glass. They are the operatives. 
Manchester itself hardly knows them. Only on the 
north-eastern frontiers of the city, and there overlain 
by the more recent stratifications of chemicals and 
engineering, are the blue shawls, oval faces, and 
powdered hair which are characteristic of the staple 
trade, to be seen at all. And even in the true cotton 
towns they are not to be seen except at certain times 
of processional going in and coming out. 

In the unchartered hours of morning and after- 
noon the Lancashire factory town is in a condition 
of partial trance. Only a meagre middle-class life, 
struggling for existence in the deeply impoverished 
soil, stirs faintly in and out of shop doors in the main 
street. From up the steep side streets there arises 
the sustained intonation of invisible machinery, 
broken by the recurring pulmonary troubles of 
exhaust pipes. On a hot afternoon the town 
perspires steam ; it is as resonant as an organ loft. 
Across the mill yard a boy wheels a skip full of 
yarn ; the mill manager, in his alpaca cap, discusses 



technicalities with a sky-blue engineer; the engine 
itself is dimly discernible behind glass, like an 
appalling tiger in a cage; and a row of houses with 
terra-cotta lace curtains and powerfully raddled 
window-sills try to look over the high wall. In the 
long street constituted by these houses, elderly and 
monumental women discuss the revolving pageantry 
of births and funerals; if it be evening and the genial 
time of the year, spinners read the news of the day 
in doorways which admit into interiors rich in brass 
and mahogany, and busts of Charles Dickens glare 
defiantly, and similar chiselled representations of 
Queen Victoria brood majestically at fan-lights over 
the doors. Primary and essential Lancashire ! 

It is one of the definite climates and cultures of 
earth; a nursery; a frame under which life runs 
some riot. Its men are the cool and instructed 
connoisseurs of a wide range of arts and accomplish- 
ments of the times and speeds of homing pigeons, 
the leg-passing of centre forwards, and the 
crescendoes and diminuendoes of almost morbidly 
perfect brass bands. In its Whit-week it has a 
season of the year, a ritual and rubric of the 
calendar, almost to itself. The minute accuracy 



with which Whit-week is every year performed, with 
its trombones, its blue silk banners, and spiritual 
pride, its frankly denominational ostentations and 
rivalries, its buns and lemonade at the supreme 
moment of pageantry, its day-trips by waggon, canal 
boat or rail, according to the day of the week, is an 
achievement of Medes and Persians. The com- 
munity is one considerably addicted to dress. The 
transformation which is effected in individual cases 
somewhere between the weaving shed and the 
promenade at Blackpool, or even between the 
weaving-shed and the Sunday School choir, 
is the theme of general remark, but Lancashire 
is perhaps the one community in the world in which 
the final essence is ingeniously extracted from the 
precious experience of new clothes by the simple 
device of all putting them on on the same day. 
The sensation which each individual experiences 
in his own person is multiplied vicariously and 
the phenomenon, as it occurs on Whit-Sunday, 
resembles the casting of its skin by a particularly 
large snake. Politically the community is incalcul- 
able and unsteady. The Lancashire operative has 
always been strongly in favour of Factory Acts. 



factory inspection, and the regulation by the StaU- 
of his hours and conditions of work. But- these 
views have been limited and sectional to his own 
trade, and not in any way a part of a general 
collectivistic conception of politics. They have, in 
fact, been combined very frequently with a sturdy 
and even truculent Church-and-Stateism, 1 and not 
seldom in certain parts of the county with a definite 
clerical-mindedness which is accounted for in part by 
the historic Catholicism of some of the northern 
regions of the county. The cotton operatives have 
shown no great leaning to the political theorisation 
which makes so many State Socialists among the 
engineers, nor is he pronouncedly under the influ- 
ence of the minor Methodist bodies which nourish 
the orthodox Radicalism of the miners. But he is 
in the very forefront of the classical trade unionism 
of England ; he is of the straitest sect, and it was in 
this capacity and character that Charles Macara 
became aware of him, fought him, got to know him 
better, and finally co-operaled with him in large acts 

of statesmanship for the peace of the whole trade. 

* * * * 

1. James Mawdaley, the famous leader of the Operative 
Cotton Spinners, was a Conservative candidate for Oldhnm with 
Mr. Winston Churchill in 1899. 



The house of Bannerman serves the two offices 
of production and distribution. In Manchester 
it is the merchant of cotton and other goods; in the 
provinces of Manchester it spins and it weaves. 
During the course of its history the firm became 
possessed of mills and machinery in Ancoats, in 
Dukinfield and in Stalybridge. The journey from 
one of these places to the other and on to the third 
is not long, but it contains sharp and definite 
transitions. Ancoats, incidentally, the home of 
fine cotton spinning, is the blunt and stark butt-end 
of Manchester ; it is powerfully rivetted down by 
railway arches ; its open spaces are goods yards ; 
canals evaporate white steam at the bottom of deep 
fissures, and the gasometers are like fungus in a 
sour field. From these presences the resident 
population of Ancoats has not fled ; rather has it 
crowded in, and small houses teeming with life are 
encrusted in every crack, holding on to the great 
works holding on to each other like barnacles 
clinging to the knees of towering rocks. In 
the streets of Ancoats mechanics sit at their 
doors on summer nights and contemplate the face 

and listen to the inner spiritual trouble of gigantic 



engineering establishments cooling down, commun- 
ing with themselves, bubbling, squeaking, spitting 
and dithering like kettles uneasily on the hob. The 
local spirit of Ancoais has been trodden out by the 
march of events, and all its institutions, except cotton/ 
engineering, goods, grease and gas are exotics car- 
ried there holiness tabernacles, lectures on the pre- 
Raphaelites and societies for impressing on mothers 
the extreme desirability of having a clear egress 
from each end of a feeding-bottle by earnest 
landscape gardeners from The 
only traces of native Lancashire are the heavy 
chalking of the pavement for " hop-scotch," 
the habit of sitting outside upper window-sills on 
Friday evenings for the better use of a wash-leather, 
and the appearance occasionally at an open door of 
the mother of a family who, after announcing her 
intention of " warming " one of her offspring half a 
mile down the street turns in again, not at the 
moment pursuing the matter further, though 
even so, the manifesto has neither the buoy- 
ancy, nor the piercing shrillness and general 
carrying quality, nor the evident underlying 

intention of doing no such thing which it would 



have, for instance, in Dukinfield, the second 
of the cotton climates in which Charles Macara 
found himself face to face with the natives. 

For Dukinfield is double-dipped in itself. Some- 
where in Dukinfield, at some convenient and 
commanding confluence of its streets, ancient and 
superannuated men will be found assembled morning 
after morning to survey and savour circumambient 
Dukinfield as Dukinfield, and not as Manchester, nor 
as Ashton-under-Lyne, its larger neighbour to which 
it is slightly sycophantic, nor even yet as Staly- 
bridge, with which it joins in a Member of Parlia- 
ment. Its proudest institution is an inter-denomi- 
national cemetery, and by force of having this 
cemetery it is suddenly promoted at the most 
supreme and solemn moments of life to be the 
centre, capital and destination of a widespread com- 
munity. In the possession of this cemetery it has 
the pull over even Ashton-under-Lyne, which is 
tributary to it, and the way up to the cemetery is 
processional so many times a day, that, though a 
residentiat thoroughfare, it has the air of being a 
long elastic tentacle to the voracious pallid organism 
at the top of the hill. Such is Dukinfield, 


with the perpetual throbbing of its machines 
and the powerful downdraught of smoke on 
its wet afternoons, and yet is there no 
place in Lancashire, or in the spilling over 
of Lancashire into Cheshire which occurs here, 
where the contrast is so sharp between the secular 
street and its successive interiors, sanctimonious 
with steel fenders and china dogs, or any town in 
all the sisterhood of towns where tea-time occurs 
every afternoon with a more pungent fragrancy of 
back-stone muffins, or where "th' master's" rock- 
ing chair, with the crimson rep cushion, is more 
happily situated in regard to any possible draught, 
or where there are more harmoniums. 

And Stalybridge is yet another climate. It is 
at Stalybridge l that the far eastern frontiers of 
the cotton trade grow faint on the margin of the 
Yorkshire moors, and the smoke from stone 
chimneys rides processionally towards the country 
of the grouse. It is one of the towns in which 
the cotton trade has blossomed into much 
personal eminence and sustained ruling families. 
Among the green hills which slope almost to its 

i. The town is nnrripd as typical of the ne\v times in Disraeli's 
" ("oningsby. " 



back doors, there is a number of very large houses, 
and these houses in the days before limited liability 
had devitalised the soil, were the homes of a 
powerful manufacturing aristocracy, some members 
of which had stood for Parliament, and others 
travelled much in Italy. Their carriages driven in 
the more splendid instances by fur-tippeted men- 
flashed through the streets of Ashton and Staly- 
bridge any afternoon in the week, and their habit 
of placing " notes" in collection boxes on Sunday 
mornings made the district a classical " auxiliary " 
of the London Missionary Society. There are 
people living who can remember seeing the hounds 
process through its main streets in charge of a 
faded, yet nevertheless authentic, huntsman. A nd yet 
Staly bridge, for all its glimpses into country life, 
and the over-lordship of its " Priories " and " East- 
woods," its " Woodfields " and its " Staveleas," 
with their turrets and gables, and blue domestic 
smoke dimly discernible among trees, has been one 
of the volcanic regions of the cotton trade, and has 
germinated distinguished strikes. It is one of the 
towns which exhibits perhaps it exhibits better than 
any other the combination of a slight industrial 



turbulence with an almost servile respect for the 
House of Lords, the bench of bishops, the Union 
Jack, the bull-dog, and every institution disliked 
and distrusted by the soul of John Bright. 

This is at first sight a perversity, but it is historic, 
and shares the respectability of all historic things. 
It is the operatives' rejoinder to the opposition of 
Radical manufacturers to the successive Factory 
Acts, which have always been a leading object with 
the trade unions of cotton operatives. The defeat 
of the Liberal party in Lancashire in 1874 was 
attributed at the time to Professor Fawcett's speech 
on a Nine Hours' Bill in the Parliament which had 
then been dissolved, nor was there any part of the 
country in which Lord Randolph Churchill's half- 
defined and nebulous programme of Tory Democracy 
which was understood to mean so far as it could 
be understood to mean anything a better time for 
the masses, always, however, within the established 
order of Church and State, met with a readier 
acceptance. Not that the Conservative em- 
ployers, who won elections out of this state 
of things, were any more in favour of Fac- 
tory Acts than their Radical brethren. They 



had, however, a larger share of original and 
mundane humanity; they had redeeming vices, and 
their names slipped easily into the diminutives of 
Dick and Harry and Tom, Ashton-under-Lyne, for 
example, being represented for many years by a 
genial obscurantist whom all the mill and all the 
town knew gloriously as " Tommy Mellor." No 
one would ever have thought of abbreviating the 
name even if any possible abbrevation had 
suggested itself of Hugh Mason, and John Bright 
remained "John Bright" to the end, majestic, 
stark and formidable somewhat frowning I 

It was at the Brunswick Mill in Ancoats that 
Charles Macara had his first conflict with the 
operatives of Lancashire. The affair occurred in 
1884, four years after he assumed the management 
of the firm of Bannerman, and it was one of those 
sudden and savage outbreaks which were then 
climatic to the cotton trade; one of the inter-tribal 
vendettas between a master and his men which used 
to occur in the days before Federation ; before the 
organisation of the two great armed states of 
employers and employed, under which, though war 

contemplates extermination, peace has some security 



as peace. At the Brunswick Mill there was in 1884 
a renewal of machinery. A temporary adjustment 
of wages was proposed, upon which the minders 
and piecers in the mule spinning department went 
out on strike. Nothing less than this was to be 
expected, because the mill was then one of the fever 
spots of the trade, and had been the scene of eleven 
strikes in eight years. On this occasion Charles 
Macara, not perhaps without some slight enjoyment 
of the experience, took up the challenge, engaged 
other minders and piecers in place of those who 
had gone out on strike, and announced that he 
machinery would continue to run. Then there 
began a savage conflict for which Ancoats was by 
training and disposition only too well suited, 
though even in the more temperate zones of the 
cotton trade, the strikes of this period were bitter 
and inflammatory affairs, with the shrill cries of 
women, the stampeding of the strike breakers by the 
heated community outside, the pursuit of the strike 
breakers to the station, and above and through it all, 
the blank stare of the ghostly windows of the mill 
and the obstinate, unstoppable singing of thr 




Charles Macara bivouacked the strike breakers be- 
neath army blankets in the covered mill yard at 
night; tales circulated in Ancoats that they enjoyed 
the companionship of a savage dog. The strike was 
marked by numerous acts of violence, which were 
avenged in the police courts. There were rumours 
of vitriol, and the Chief Constable of Manchester 
warned him that he was in peril of his 
life. Nevertheless, he fought on. The unaffected 
departments of the mill held on to their work 
or were ready to return to it as they were called 
on, and in due time the forty-five minders, with 
double the number of piecers, who were auxiliary 
to them, sued for peace, and finally asked to 
be taken back on the old terms. Charles Macara 
refused. It was the first sharp taste of him the 
operatives ever had that he refused to have these 
feverish minders back again on any terms, and that 
the mill in which they had struck eleven times in 
eight years knew them thereafter no more. Nor 
was it, as we shall see, so unhappy a beginning of 
the long acquaintance between him and them. 

Charles Macara will be remembered in the cotton 

trade chiefly for conciliation and compromise, and 



for many happy efforts in the art of give-and-take,' 
But conciliation is the prerogative of the man who 
has proved himself strong, and the Ancoats strike 
was important as revealing in him a man 
who would fight to the end if he felt sure of 
his cause, and who, though open to reason, was 
impervious to fear. The strike at the Brunswick 
Mill in 1884 belongs to past history. Years after- 
wards, James Mawdsley, the famous leader of the 
Operative Spinners, returning to a room in which 
critical decisions were swaying this way and that, 
asked Charles Macara to banish from his mind the 
strike of 1884. And, indeed, it is of a time and 
temper which can never return. It would not burn 
in the modern atmosphere of Lancashire. For 
it will be observed that he fought the men 
without any aid from his brother employers ; 
that the men fought him without support 
from other workers under the same roof, whose 
interests were identical in the long run with theirs; 
and that there was no large and impartial authority 
to arbitrate between the two. It was before the 
reign of law. We shall see how the reign of law 
came in, and how he helped to establish and strove 
to extend it. 

i. Vide Appendix E, p. 276 et eq. 



r '-t* 

Masters and Men 



IT would be possible to compile out of modern 
history a long list of the things which have failed 
to ruin England. Quite half the modern institutions 
of the country education, education which was not 
only popular but compulsory and free, the trade 
union, the vote, the vote by ballot, and even the 
Labour Member are so much domesticated doom ; 
they entered the enclosure wearing the similitude of 
lions, but if we leave them and look at them again 
in a few years we find them lying down with lambs. 
Politics, religion and industry all alike contribute 
out of their modern history to the company of 
rather sheepish spectres. The extension of the 
franchise in 1832 to the sedate middle class of 
England was feared and fought as something 
that would inaugurate a reign of terror, and, 
rather earlier than 1832, bishops in the House 
of Lords were voting with prayer and fasting 
against all proposals to stop awarding the 
penalty of death for stealing from clothes-lines. The 



Nonconformist has mixed so well with society that 
it is difficult to believe how he also has been a 
spectre, warned off the premises for many years, 
and regarded even in modern times, and by modern 
intelligences, as a danger to faith and morals, 
whether trying to take his B.A. at Cambridge or 
to get himself interred in a churchyard. 

Popular education, again, was greatly feared as 
likely to obliterate the precious distinctions between 
class and class, and is still generally blamed in the 
South of England, and in the more secluded and 
unruffled backwaters of society in the North, for 
the scarcity and the puffed-up demeanour of parlour- 
maids, a charge of which it is partially acquitted by 
the evidence of Addison and the essayists that ladies 
in the age of Queen Anne were complaining of 
exactly the same thing. As the deluge, each one of 
these things failed. The first fruit of the 
Reform Act of 1832 was the new Poor Law, which 
ruined the profession of pauperism, and set up as 
unsanguinary and unfanatical a social engine 
as the modern Board of Guardians. Further 
extensions of the franchise brought to light, 
to the astonishment of everybody except Disraeli, 



who foresaw it, the phenomenon of the Conservative 
working-man, and free education, though it has 
taught the people to read, has not yet done very 
much in the far more dangerous direction of teach- 
ing them to think. 

It is, indeed, the characteristic of great reforms 
that they let down almost as many hopes as fears, 
and if we compiled a list of the things which have 
failed to ruin England, it would serve equally well 
for a list of the things which have failed to redeem 
her. The trade union is a distinguished example 
of this. It has done much, but has failed at once 
of final evil and of final good. It began as a 
seditious conspiracy, and ten hard years of Radical 
faith and work were needed to legalise it. Church 
and State still intact, the trade union turns up 
again at a later period of history as a menace, not 
this time to law and order, but to the shivering 
sanctity of capital. Again it figures as a bogey. 
It was the common talk of upper class Lancashire 
in the eighties and the early nineties that trade 
unions, no longer isolated clubs of crack-brained 
Chartists meeting in the upper rooms of public- 
houses, but powerful amalgamations, with trained 



leaders at their head, and funds in the bank, were 
rapidly making life intolerable; that they were 
driving capital out of the country, and that manufac- 
turers would for two pins remove their machinery 
to some place (not specified) where they could be at 
peace, and do what they liked with their own. 
Men who had stood for Parliament as Liberals, 
and others who habitually stood as Liberals for 
Town Councils, and had strongly approved of the 
working-class being consulted as to whether Mr. 
Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli should be the Prime 
Minister a long way off in London, drew a very 
decided line against their being consulted as to 
whether wages should go up or down five per cent, 
in Lancashire, and whether a glut of yarn should 
be met by a complete stoppage or regulated short 
time; while a much-harassed Mayor of Rochdale, 
towards the end of the great strike of 1893, fell, 
and dragged all his audience with him, into the 
common philosophical blunder of blaming the 
agitator for the agitation. 1 

i. " It was a sad sight to witness the operatives begging in the 
streets of Rochdale. On him who was to blame for the present 
deplorable state of affairs rested a very great responsibility. He 
could not help feeling that that responsibility rested very largely 
on the shoulders of that man." Report of a speech by the Mayor 
of Rochdale, Manchester Guardian March i8th, 1893. James 
Mawdsley, without hesitation, took these dark observations to 
himself, and made a spirited reply. 



So matters proceed, and then, Church and State 
and even Capital still intact, we look a little later 
into history and we find this same trade union, its 
methods and its objects quite unchanged, its funds 
still greater, and its leaders even stouter, counted 
definitely among the conservative forces of society. 
Leaders of industry, like Charles Macara, operating 
the negotiation clauses of the Brooklands Agree- 
ment, planning Industrial Councils as a final court 
of appeal between masters and men, assume and 
count on (he trade unions as part of the mechanism 
of peace. It is within the scheme of their states- 
manship. Their anxiety about the trade union is 
not that it should be too strong, but lest it be too 
weak. For already the law of flux and re-flux has 
followed it even to this, that while all have lost 
their fears of it, some have lost their hopes. 
The pure trade unionist is now the Conservative 
of the Labour movement. He is the old gang; the 
sedative rather than the stimulant. In the volatile 
and fiery composition of the annual conference of 
the Labour Party, the orthodox trade unionists, 
and particularly those who represent the textile 
unions of Lancashire, are a solid glutination of 



unenthusiastic common-sense, hardly distinguish- 
able from a board of directors. But no longer in 
any sense le dernier cri! Already they are thought 
slow, and in the eyes of State Socialists, syndicalists, 
and those who strike against advice, the spectre of 
the eighties and the nineties is voted mainly 
sawdust. Such is the slow, sure progress of our 
state from groundless fear to groundless fear; 

from the hope of a lot to the realisation of a little. 

# * # * * * * 

From the breaking of the bale of cotton to the 
bleaching or printing of the completed cloth the 
Lancashire cotton trade travels many stages, but 
the major processes are those of blowing and 
carding, by which the raw product is redeemed of 
its original sin and the staple is evolved, and of 
spinning and of weaving, and we shall find that the 
protective organisation of the worker follows the 
technical outline of his trade, carding, spinning and 
weaving forming three large and assembled armed 
camps which co-operate on occasion, but are inde- 
pendent. The correspondence is nearly complete, 
but not quite. The ring-spinners, all of whom are 

women, are in the same association as their 



sisters of the card and blowing room, and the 
piecers, big piecers and little piecers, whose style 
and title is the most ultramontane thing in 
Lancashire, are organised separately under the 
tutelage of the mule spinners or minders. 

The piecers, big and little, furnish the classical 
example of the failure of trade unionism to flourish in 
a soil which is short of a perfect class-con- 
sciousness and impoverished by social hopes and 
ambitions. Being paid by the minders, and there- 
fore in the consciousness of the minders a 
hostile, or potentially hostile body, they are 
ineligible for full membership of the powerful 
Amalgamated Association of Operative Cotton 
Spinners, and would long ago have formed a trade 
union of their own, but for the circumstance that 
every big piecer of character and competence hopes 
to be in due time a minder himself, and lives in his 
probable future rather than his actual present. In 
the meantime he is included in a sort of sub- 
organisation which the minders keep carefully 
under their own control. He is the ward in 
chancery of the minder. The winders, warpers and 
reelers, another feminine community, are, again, out 



of their proper bearings. They belong to the 
hemisphere of spinning, but in weaving districts are 
organised with the weavers. 

This, then, in its broadest outline is the ground 
plan of trade unionism in the cotton trade, and on 
this ground plan there grew up local associations of 
carders, of spinners and weavers, the unit being 
in each case that of locality plus craft. Organisation 
according to craft still, as we have just seen, 
continues, and though there is a pious opinion in 
favour of a single great trade union for all cotton 
workers, 1 difference of interest and outlook which 
has often been sharp and decided ; difference in the 
rates of payment, and the mode, the majority being 
paid by piece and the minority by time; difference, 
perhaps, even of temperament between the mule 
spinners, who are olympians, and the cardroom 
hands, who are, not infrequently, Celts, has stood 
in the way of such a centralisation of authority. 
On the other hand, organisation according to 
locality, though it also persists, persists only as a 

i. A resolution to this effect was passed in 1915 by the United 
Textile Factory Workers' Association (a deliberative body). One 
of several differences between the Spinners and the Card Room 
Workers arose as to the chairmanship of this body, to which the 
Card Room does not now belong. 



foundation on which great super-structures of 
federation are built up. It is no longer, like 
organisation by craft, an expression of the mentality 
of Lancashire; it is mechanical rather than spiritual. 
The first great amalgamation of local unions was 
that of the operative spinners, which was formed in 
1853, three years after the birth of the Amalgamated 
Society of Engineers which was the earliest model 
of the new type. The Amalgamated Society 
of Operative Cotton Spinners has its head- 
quarters in Manchester. It is governed by 
its own quarterly meeting and Executive Coun- 
cil, and has its paid secretary, who is chosen 
by the unusual method of competitive examination, 
rhetoric and dialectics being the minor, and mathe- 
matics, in view of the extremely abstruse calculations 
by which Lancashire wages are ascertained, 
decidedly the major subject of the test. The 
parched and sandy arithmetic through which 
the cotton trade lias to wade to its results, 
the necessity of fighting the battles of his 
people in decimals and fractions, the dense 
afforestation of the ground by technical and 

actuarial detail, has done more than anything else 



to determine the caste and character of the trade 
union leader in Lancashire. An expert and an 
accountant, he has not been called very much either 
to prophecy, apostleship or the speaking with 
tongues, and, unlike the checkweigh-man of the 
collier, with whom, though on a much higher level 
of accomplishment, he corresponds, and who is in 
nearly every case the trained athlete of the pulpit 
and the platform and the Band of Hope, he has 
given little to public and Parliamentary life. 

James Mawdsley, the Secretary of the Spinners, 
and one of the strongest forces Lancashire has ever 
known, was definitely a man behind a mask. He 
was unfamiliar, almost even to sight, to the general 
citizenship of the small town in which he lived, 
and his candidature, as a Conservative, for Old- 
ham, undertaken at an advanced age, was an 
enterprise in which he neither succeeded nor very 
much wanted to succeed. 

More than forty district associations of spinners 
pay levies to the Amalgamation. These district 
associations reproduce in miniature the constitution 
of the central organism. They are identical with it 

chemically and structurally ; they also possess their 



Executive Committees and their paid officials, and 
the Amalgamated Association, though it does not 
indicate this, and, indeed, rather obscures it in its 
name "amalgamation" implying the fusion of 
several bodies into one, and the destruction of their 
individual identities answers roughly the political 
tests of a Federation in which the constituent 
members enjoy the form and substance of self- 
government, but are united for common purposes 
against the world. That the structure of this 
important union was built up slowly, we see from 
the circumstance that the Oldham Association did 
not join the Amalgamation until it had been formed 
some fifteen years, and that for ten years longer 
there were within the Oldham province nine rudi- 
mentary district Associations, each governing itself, 
all competing together by exacting small contribu- 
tions and paying large benefits, and thereby 
weakening the entire structure of which they were 
a part. 1 

This federal model of the spinners has been 
copied in the Amalgamated Association of Card 
and Blowing Room Operatives, which was formed 

i. The weekly contribution of the individual spinner still varies 
according to the town in which he lives, but the differentiation is 
a scientific one. 

o , 


in 1886, and when we come to the weavers, we shall 
find that a rather lighter soil has favoured the 
appearance of federations of federations, a sort of 
straining after stature and strength which has not 
been necessary on the spinning side of the trade. 
The Amalgamated Weavers' Association, which is 
itself definitely a federation of district unions, is 
included in the Northern Counties Textile Trades' 
Federation, a body which was formed in 1905, and 
embraces, besides the Weavers' Society, several 
minor associations which operate in odd corners of 
the trade. 1 

These movements on the part of the operatives 
have not failed of the obvious answer from the side 
of the masters. Local associations of employers in 
the cotton trade are found operating in the sixties 
and the seventies. Taught by his experience in the 
strike at the Brunswick Mill, Charles Macara took 
the lead in forming an Association for Manchester, 
and towards the end of 1891 the greater number of 

i. This body is not to be confused, though confusion would be 
natural, such is the love of the modern trade unionist for mouth- 
filling names, with the United Textile Factory Workers' Association. 
This body deals only with Parliament and Whitehall. It watches 
the Factory Acts, and suggests amendments. All operatives' 
associations belong to it, except that of the Card Boom, and an 
attempt is being made to bring the Card Room back. 



those local bodies came together in the Federation 
of Master Cotton Spinners' Associations. 1 Each 
one retained its own office, officials and constitution, 
but a new body was now created, through which the 
employers could act as a single will and intelligence, 
the whole trade being able, by virtue of this federa- 
tion, to sweep down to the assistance of any one 
employer whose case might be judged to be the case 
of all. In 1913 fourteen local associations situated 
in towns which are satellites of Manchester were 
embraced in the Federation. The Federation was, 
however, built up slowly to its present level. It 
hardly represented half the trade when it entered 
in 1892 upon the twenty weeks' struggle with the 
operatives, which ended in the famous industrial 
treaty known as the Brooklands Agreement. 

It was this strike, and the momentous negotiations 
which ended it, that made Charles Macaraa diplomat 
and statesman in the vexed affairs of capital and 
labour. He entered the prolonged struggle, which 
began in the autumn of 1892 and ended in the 
spring of 1893, as the head of one of the local 

i. There is a separate employers' organisation for the North and 
North-Eastern area of the county in which weaving preponderates 
over spinning. 



associations of employers. When it terminated, he 
was plainly marked out in the minds both of masters 
and men for the Presidency of the Federation, and 
the headship both in title and in fact of the 
Lancashire cotton trade. 

It was at the end of October, 1892 the trade 
being at the time in a state of great irritability and 
depression that the employers gave notice of their 
intention to enforce a reduction in wages of five per 
cent. Notices to this effect were posted in the 
mills, and when these notices matured, the operatives 
refused to continue at work, this progression of 
events giving rise to a question as to whether what 
followed was a strike or lock-out, a point which was 
argued in Lancashire during the next five months 
with the heat and tenacity which are generally re- 
served in human intercourse for points the settlement 
of which will leave things exactly as they were before. 
The dispute, however, soon widened and deepened 
into the much larger question of the right of the 
operatives to come, so to speak, of age ; to be admitted 
into a kind of moral partnership in the industry ; 
to have a mind, and, with a mind, the means of 

expressing, and, subject to the equal right of the 



other party in the trade, enforcing it. So far the 
dispute enlarged itself, but no further. It tells 
us very much of the mentality of Lancashire that 
during twenty weeks in which the pressure and 
pinch got steadily worse, so that hunger and naked- 
ness were at last openly abroad in the land, no mass 
meetings were held, no torches lighted, and no 
attempt made to point the moral and adorn the 
tale in favour of Socialism or any other plan for 
the general reconstruction of society. From the 
beginning till the end it was cotton, and nothing 

Still, a larger question than one of five per cent, 
or two-and-three-quarters per cent. the reduction 
which the employers eventually obtained was seen 
to be at issue, and there can be no doubt that from 
the time when this larger matter of the joint 
managership of the industry definitely emerged, 
Charles Macara became a strong fighter within 
his own party for wise and constructive compromise.. 
Accident, rather than predestination, had brought 
him into this melee. He belonged by tradition and 
relationship to the governing classes of England, 
and though a Lancashire employer, was neither of 



the type, nor, still more to the crucial point which 
the industry had now reached, of the caste. He had 
discovered a real affinity with James Mawdsley, the 
practical and powerful leader of the operatives, and 
already his mind was strongly attracted to such a 
problem of social architecture as a compro- 
mise in this dispute would involve. He had 
the organising, settling mind, and cared just as 
little for civil war whether at the moment he won 
or lost. And these qualities which drove him to 
take a line of his own, and made him not only 
a name, but a force in the great events of 1892 
and 1893, were powerfully assisted in their effect 

by an accident which put the management of the 


employers' case to some extent in his hands. 

The President of the Masters' Federation was 
Arthur Reyner, who belonged to a family which 
had, in a former generation, migrated from haber- 
dashery in the city of London to manufacturing in 
Lancashire. Arthur Reyner was himself a bachelor of 
uncertain health, and lived at Thornfield Hall near to 
Ashton-under-Lyne, with a mother whose strength 
and stateliness of spirit, coupled with extreme 


personal fragility, advanced years, and only occa- 
sional visibility through the bevelled glass of an 
ancient brougham, constituted her one of those 
occasional reproductions of Queen Victoria 
which appeared during the reign of that 
monarch, his life being one in which music, 
travel in Switzerland, Gladstonianism, a peril- 
ous habit, for one of his weight and build, 
of riding to hounds, and the current number 
of the Nineteenth Century, played a great 
part. In his speeches on the public platform great 
fluency of thought and expression struggled with 
anguish against a marked defect of utterance. He 
had Robert Lowe's inability to perceive the effect he 
was making on his audience, and his position as 
leader at once of a Liberal organisation which 
wanted all sorts of democratic changes, and an 
Employers' Federation which wanted a reduction of 
wages, was a vexatious inconsistency, and probably 
accounted very largely, though it was not suspected 
at the time, for the recurrent Conservatism of the 
borough in which he lived. Arthur Reyner's name 
is the first of the signatures to the Brooklands 

Agreement, but from time to time during the 



progress of the events which concluded in that 
treaty, he was incapacitated by illness. His leader- 
ship was interrupted, a considerable portion of it 
falling to Charles Macara, who shortly afterwards 
succeeded him in the leadership of the Federation. 
Mr. John Brown Tattersall, who had himself been an 
operative and a trade union leader, and possessed 
an unrivalled knowledge of the technicalities of the 
trade, and Samuel Smethurst, one of the thorough- 
breds of Lancashire, a logician, a humourist, and a 
keen swordsman in debate, were also prominent on 
the employers' side. Among the operatives James 
Mawdsley was the central figure. 


The Brooklands 
Agreement and the 
Industrial Council 


THE twenty weeks' strike ranks in Lancashire 
history with the Cotton Famine some thirty years 
before it. It lasted long enough to clear the sky, 
and nearly long enough to clean the earth. Distant 
objects acquired that startling visibility which in 
South-east Lancashire usually signifies nothing 
more serious than " the wakes," and the operatives 
wandered up and down amid unfamiliar tracts 
of morning and afternoon, and were, for all 
their faith and fortitude, in the suspended and 
deeply disordered state of those who are all dressed 
up with nowhere to go. The last chapter of events 
was extremely tense and dramatic, and the leaders 
on both sides found themselves scrutinised like 
Cabinet Ministers in the throes of a crisis. More 
than one attempt was made to bring them all 
together in a social and even a domestic atmosphere, 
and to surprise peace out of sheer politeness. 

One of these meetings was held at the house 
in Prestwich of Robert Ascroft, M.P., the solicitor 



for a section of the operatives, and afterwards 
Conservative member for Oldham, and though 
terms were discussed both before and after dinner, 
neither the one state of mind nor the other had a 
favourable result, the minority of the employers still 
holding out against the terms which ended the 
dispute six weeks later. Meanwhile the growing 
margin between raw cotton and yarn was arguing 
powerfully for peace. The glut in the yarn market, 
which was the original cause, or perhaps, rather, 
the occasion of these troubles, had been cured, and 
when the leaders, again eluding an almost morbidly 
watchful press, again got into conference, this time 
at the extremely unconspiratorial Brooklands Hotel, 
on the Cheshire outskirts of Manchester, peace was 
in the air. Even so, it was only snatched, in the 
small hours of the morning of an all-night sitting, 
out of the jaws of failure. 

It is significant that the mere rectification of 
wages was settled early and without great difficulty 
at this conference, which began at three in the 
afternoon on Thursday, March 23rd, 1893. The 
tendency of the market had settled that question 
itself, and a splitting of the difference between the 



two parties indicated itself as the fair thing. But 
the larger issue as between the employer and the 
trade union into which the smaller question had 
widened and deepened, gave more trouble. It was 
quite rightly perceived that other suggested terms 
of agreement which promoted the trade union far 
above the former status of recognition and make it 
a joint governing body of the trade, constituted 
the end of one age and the beginning of another. 
Several times in the course of the night capital and 
labour broke away to their separate camps in the 
Brooklands Hotel, but each time they were brought 
together again by Charles Macara and James 
Mawdsley, who had both begun to see that greater 
interests were at stake even than those which they 
severally represented, and were now acting together 
as a powerful party against the anarchy which 
threatened the existence at once of masters and men. 
It was at five o'clock in the morning of March 24th 
that their efforts prevailed, and the Brooklands 
Agreement, the first and greatest, and, indeed, the 
model of all treaties between capital and labour, was 
signed. 1 

i. Robert Ascroft, M.P.. who acted as solicitor to the Card and 
Blowing Room Operatives' Amalgamation, and who drew up the 



The first clause is a common confession of sins 
and a promise of amendment. Both sides admitted 
the folly of continual disputation, and joined in a 
common prayer for some means of avoiding it. In 
this spirit the immediate difference was settled by 
a reduction in wages of sevenpence in the pound. 
A further clause established a kind of game law 
in the trade, a close time within which after each 
disturbance wages should remain at peace; a 
measure beyond which they should not vary. No 
question as to wages, once closed, was to be re- 
opened for at least a year, and no alteration of 
wages, whether it took the form of a rise or a fall, 
was to measure more than five per cent. 

These provisions were afterwards amended 
from time to time, but whatever their exact shape 
and scope, they continued to give a much-needed 
stability and repose to the weather of the trade. 
But the vital clause was the sixth. It was this 
clause which admitted, and, indeed, ushered the 

rough draft of the clauses, every one of which was discussed, 
modified and altered at conferences both before and at the all-night 
sitting, formally assured Charles Macara, that the operatives 
would never forget the effort he had made for an equitable 



organised operatire into the seat of authority; 
which captured the pure protestantism of the trade 
union for a new catholicity ; which took the pyramid 
off its apex and set it much more securely on its 
base. All this was contained in the provisions which 
were made by the sixth clause of the Brooklands 
Agreement for the settlement of disputes. They 
inaugurated a new reign of law. 

The clause set up three courts a court of first 
instance, and two successive courts of appeal, and 
provided that no disputes in the trade should go 
to the length of a lock-out by the employers, or a 
strike by the employed, until each of these tribunals 
had tried to settle it, and, having tried, had failed. 
The statesmanship of the plan lay in the removal of 
each promising bud of difference into two successive 
atmospheres progressively unfavourable to its 
vegetation. Under the scheme, any difference as 
to work or wages arising in a cotton mill and 
proving insoluble by the immediate parties to it, 
was to go before the secretary of the employers and 
the secretary of the trade union of the town in 
which it arose. This was the court of first instance, 
and if this court failed to settle the dispute, 



its duty was, within a given time, to call 
in three local employers and three local trade 
unionists who would examine the matter afresh. 
If this tribunal the first court of appeal 
failed to produce terms of settlement, the dispute 
may be conceived of as a thing of definite size and 
shape, and ready for the much severer ordeal known 
to the administrators of the trade as " going to 

In the final court of appeal, which, like the one 
below it, was to be summoned within a stated time, 
the dispute passed out of the hands of the first partici- 
pants and their immediate friends and relations ; it 
was lifted out of the inflamed area, and brought 
before the brows and conscience of the assembled 
trade. This last court was larger than the one belo\r 
it ; like the one below it, it was composed of equal 
numbers of employers and employed, with the 
special provision that those who had already adjudi- 
cated on the case should be swamped in a majority 
of fresh minds. Not until this court also had 
dissolved without a favourable result could either 
side proceed to extremes, and so effectually did the 

mechanism work that in the twenty-one years 



during which the Brooklands Agreement remained 
law, there were only two general stoppages of the 
trade, one of them occurring in 1908, when the 
Agreement was sixteen, and the other in 1910, when 
it was eighteen years old. 

Both these years belong to that period of acute 
industrial irritability which was only allayed by the 
counterirritant of the European War, and by this 
time much of the authority and some of the structure 
of the Brooklands Agreement had been corroded 
away. The stoppage in 1908, for example, was an 
outbreak of the inveterate sectionalism of the trade. 
In that year the employers claimed a reduction of 
wages, and obtained the assent of the operative 
spinners. The Card Room refused to agree, with 
the result that the spinners found themselves 
conscripted in a costly campaign of seven weeks 
to which their corporate will had not consented. 1 

The stoppage of 1910 immortalised the obscure 
personality of George Howe, who belongs to that 
company of historical personages of whom we catch 

i. In this instance the employers very handsomely allowed the 
spinners to take bark their formal agreement to the reduction. 
By this act the employers preserved the solidarity of the trade at 
their own expense. 



only one single glimpse. He is one of the flies in 
the amber of history. George Howe was dismissed 
from the Fern Mill at Oldham because, at the 
bidding of his union, he refused to perform certain 
duties which were held to be " new work." In 
the opinion of the employers, this raised the vital 
issue of internal authority in the mills, and 
though it was found easy enough to refer the 
immediate point to arbitration, another crack was 
opened in the surface by the question whether the 
cotton trade should start again with or without 
George Howe in his accustomed place as a grinder 
at the Fern Mill. In the result he was reinstated, 
not at the Fern Mill, but at another not noticeably 
further from his doorstep, and, on this compromise, 
the trade of Lancashire proceeded on its way. The 
strike has its place in Lancashire history as the 
first occasion on which the cotton trade submitted 
to the manipulations of a Government official. 1 
Even so, the duty of the peace-maker did not go 
beyond patiently and perpetually leading the horse 
to the water of reconciliation. It drank finally of its 
own free will. 2 

i. Sir George Askwith, then Controller of the Labour Depart- 
ment at the Board of Trade. 

i. This dispute also brought about a stoppage of the industry, 
but only for a few days. 



These were the only two occasions between the 
negotiation of the Brooklands Agreement on March 
23rd, 1893, and its repudiation on January 3ist, 
1913, on which the parties to the Agreement pro- 
ceeded to actual civil war. Its failure, in the 
opinion of the operative spinners, to settle with 
sufficient promptitude disputes arising out of the 
supply of bad material for their work " bad 
spinning," a cause of grievance which has been 
ingeniously compared with that of the Hebrew 
brick-makers in Egypt who were required to make 
bricks without straw was the cause of its final 
cancellation, but the apparatus of conciliation was 
expressly preserved, an agreement being ratified 
on December nth, 1914, that notices to cease work 
should not be posted in any mill till the matter in 
dispute had been considered by the joint committee, 
local and central, of the organised employers and 
the organised employed. 

The Brooklands Agreement and Charles Macara's 
presidency of the Employers' Federation are coeval 
in the history of the Lancashire cotton trade. His 
long and eventful period of office began in 1894, 

the year after the agreement was signed, and before 



the conciliation clauses had yet been put to any 
trial, and concluded in the year after its repudiation. 
During this period of twenty-one years he was 
unanimously voted into the chair at every confer- 
ence between employers and employed, in what we 
have called the final court of appeal of the trade. 
The cotton trade, whether masters or men, preferred 
him in that capacity to any outsider on this side of 
mortality, for, besides that cotton has a strong 
prejudice against the stranger that is without its 
gates, all outsiders, even the most eminent K.C.'s 
who have drifted at one time and another into the 
affairs of the trade, have been visibly nigh to 
foundering and going down altogether in the sheer 
stress of incomprehensible details. He was, too, 
the born chairman of heated and momentous debate. 
In another sphere of cotton trade administration 
he was called on time after time to preside over 
international conferences which, but for his 
authoritative physique, resonant voice, and power 
of assuming a complete impartiality in affairs 
in which he had himself an interest, as they 
swayed this way or that, would have degenerated 
at moments of excitement into mere babel, and 



these same qualities were an immense help to the 
cause of industrial peace in Lancashire, over many 
critical years. 

It was estimated in 1910 when the Brooklands 
Agreement was seventeen years old that against 
one reduction of five per cent. secured by the 
employers in 1908 the operatives generally had 
thriven under its patronage, and the employers had 
equally benefited by the great reduction in the 
number of strikes and lock-outs. But in his long 
experimental administration of the Agreement 
Charles Macara came to perceive its sins, and more 
particularly its shortcomings, and began to look 
beyond it to something larger which would cover 
all coverable contingencies in the vexed affairs of 
masters and men. For one thing, the clause in the 
agreement which closed all questions of wages for 
a definite period after each re-opening had been 
found to work both ways. The express " Thou 
shalt not " was found to reveal itself as a sort of 
implied " Thou shalt " the moment the prohibition 
lifted. As it is apt to do in all law-giving, the 
definite illegalisation of one thing implied the 

authorisation of something else, and, by limiting 



the frequency and extent of wage fluctuations, the 
Agreement offered a strong temptation to the 
disturbance or attempted disturbance of rates when- 
ever the opportunity came round. 1 

Although, as we have seen, the parties to the 
Agreement only twice within the period under 
review came to a full stop, grave crises had the 
periodicity and punctuality of comets. 

But it was not so much the sins of the Brook- 
lands Agreement, as its definite shortcomings, 
that exercised Charles Macara's mind. He began 
to see more and more clearly that the Agreement 
failed the trade just at the moment when it was 
most needed. It accompanied the trade faithfully 
to the brink of disaster, interposing a number of 
invaluable regulations and checks on the method 
and speed of getting there, but, the brink once 
reached, it left the trade to its fate. It was all very 
well to compel the two parties into conferences 
intermediate and final, to put them into a room and 
turn the key on them, but how, if after all this 
management, they still refused to agree ; how if, to 

i. In 1910 the period within which wages could not be disturbed 
was altered from one year to two years. At the same time a 
demand for a five per cent, reduction being then withdrawn, a 
bargain was made that there should be no demand for an advance 
or reduction for five years. 



use again the metaphor we employed a minute ago, 
the horse, though repeatedly led to the water, still 
refused to drink ? There was no means of resolving 
the situation after it had reached the stage of 
deadlock. Arbitration was never acceptable to 
either party in the trade, or, rather, it was never 
acceptable to both parties at the same time. 
Having in 1897 got the entire employing class 
into line, in a dispute which was pending at the 
moment, and recoiling from the use of the tremen- 
dous power over the life of Lancashire which such a 
state of things placed in his hands, Charles Macara 
offered settlement by arbitration, but the proposal 
was wrecked on a reef of minor issues. Accord- 
ingly he turned his attention to an ingenious scheme 
of impersonal and self-acting arbitration, or arbitra- 
tion, as he himself called it, without an arbitrator. 

In 1899 and 1900 many conferences were held in 
the cotton trade on a scheme for the regulation of 
wages according to the state of trade. At this time 
it was part of the scheme that the operatives should 
supply their own estimate of trade profits, and the 
plan came to grief on the refusal of the operatives 
to submit their estimates to impartial investigation. 


Five years later in 1905 the scheme was revived, 
with the benefit this time of an ingenious method 
of ascertaining the normal return on capital in the 
cotton trade at any given time. A small committee 
of the Liverpool Cotton Association was appointed 
to decide twice a week, and week by week, the exact 
market values of standard grades of raw cotton, and 
to communicate these values to a firm of chartered 
accountants in Manchester. A firm of yarn agents 
in Manchester was engaged to send to the same 
firm of accountants the exact market prices of 
standard counts of yarn on the same days in each 
week. The accountants, on receiving the two sets 
of figures each set supplied without missionary 
purpose, and in the spirit of cold scientific truth 
would have before them, and would be able to 
tabulate for use in the event of a dispute as to 
wages, the gross economic margin week by week 
between the raw material and the finished product of 
the spinning trade, and, in order that truth might be 
still more delicately sifted, two firms of accountants, 
one acting for the employers and the other for the 
operatives, were appointed to examine the tabulation 

in the light of actual experience at selected mills. 



This scheme, founded on the co-operation of so 
many sets of independent experts, has only been 
called into employment to settle matters of emer- 
gency during the war, but the record at the time of 
writing is still being made, employers and employed 
both paying for the continuance of the process, 
and Charles Macara regards these figures, locked 
as they are in the security of a Manchester 
safe, as almost the best legacy he has helped to 
provide for the trade. 

Such, then, were the earlier designs for adding 
walls and a roof to the arrested structure of the 
Brooklands Agreement. One of them, built into 
the original plan of the Agreement in 1911, was a 
small but ingenious expression of the constructive 
spirit. This was the arrangement proposed and 
agreed to in that year for keeping the mechanism of 
conciliation running even after it had failed in the im- 
mediate object with which it had been set in motion. 
It became the enacted law of the trade that when the 
leaders of the two parties had parted and gone their 
ways on a final disagreement, and a stoppage had 
accordingly begun, the plenipotentiaries should, 

within a fortnight of the beginning of actual war, 



meet again at the same hour and place a curiously 
sentimental piece of precision such as we might 
expect from two lovers who have parted, but do not 
really mean it and at intervals for as long as the 
trouble lasted, should continue to meet, always at 
the same hour and place until no doubt one or 
other, or both, broke down under the sheer pathos 
of the situation. 

The year in which the cotton trade bound itself 
by this new regulation belongs to the period of 
Vhat was called, because it spread so far and so fast, 
and was carried from one fertilisation to another on 
the wings of sympathy and imitation, by the 
name of "industrial unrest" a new name for a 
phenomenon which was felt to be essentially new. 
By strikes which spread rapidly in 1911 from 
seamen to dockers, from dockers to carters, and 
from carters to railwaymen every stage in the vital 
function of transport being successively affected 
the motor nerves and muscles of the country were 
paralysed ; in the coal strike which followed, energy 
was cut off, and social and industrial England went 
cold. The country was made to realise that services 

every bit as vital as defence by land and sea were 

1 08 


liable to be stopped because a few thousand work- 
men could not agree with a few hundred employers 
about a shilling. 

The great Third Party to these continual indus- 
trial disputes began to emerge. Even politics were 
put en one side, and " intervening," another new 
thing in English public life, under another new 
name, brought fresh and grateful chances of lime- 
light into the thirsty lives of pushful politicians. 
For years Charles Macara had been pointing to 
what he called the interdependence of industries. 
During the twenty weeks' strike, nineteen years 
before the period at which we are now arrived, 
letters written to him as one of the protagonists 
whose names were occurring in the newspapers, 
reflected the effect of short commons in Lancashire 
on the farms and market-gardens of the most 
distant shires of England and Ireland. In 1911 
the nail needed no hammering. Even London, 
which does not as a rule think even London, 
threatened by a dock strike with semi-starvation by 
day and total darkness by night, realised dimly that 
it was a member of one body having several 

members, and Lancashire, with its raw material 



piling higher and higher in Liverpool, and Its 
spindles running down like unwound watches, 
needed no convincing at all. 1 

The social unrest of 191 1 and 1912 is now dwarfed 
by the European War, which immediately succeeded 
it in the programme of England's modern troubles. 
We look at it now, so to speak through the wrong 
end of a telescope, but at the time it sounded and felt 
like upheaval, and it was while it was still proceed- 
ing a moment highly favourable for one who had 
anything more to contribute than the rending of 
garments and the wringing of hands that Charles 
Macara came forward with the complete plan of an 
Industrial Council 2 and succeeded by dint of energy 
and persistence, in adding it, temporarily, to the 
institutions, and permanently to the ideas of 

Ever since 1908 the Board of Trade, authorised 

i. " Truth to tell, Londoners had something more intimate, 
more urgent, to think about (than the Parliament Bill). They 
were informed on good authority, and even that lacking, their own 
commonsense was informant authoritative enough, that, given a 
few more days' continuance of the deadlock, and semi-starvation 
would be installed among some seven millions of people ; semi- 
starvation, and, in all human probability, something else, and 
perhaps something worse than that. The stoppage of the coal 
supply involved the stoppage of the water supply, of the supply 
of gas and electricity. It meant London in darkness." Extract 
from the Sunday Chronicle, August 2oth, 1911. 
2. Vide Appendix E, p. 253 et eq. 



by the Conciliation Act of 1896, had been dabbling 
in industrial disputes. It was willing to hold 
inquiries, appoint arbitrators, frame agreements, 
and generally to mother .the contending parties into 
a better frame of mind in all cases wherein these 
services were invited. But the work was carried 
out under the supervision of the political head of the 
Board, and was suspected of the party spirit. 
Charles Macara's plan was the creation of a 
department ad hoc a court for the hearing of 
industrial cases which should be as independent of 
the political executive as the Chancery Division or 
the King's Bench. For the headship of this body 
he proposed the appointment of an official, whom in 
his earlier expositions of the scheme he called an 
" Industrial Judge," and this functionary was to 
have his permanent staff, and the service of an 
Advisory Council, composed of an equal number of 
the leaders of capital and labour, this Council 
either to furnish experts for the hearing of causes, 
or to sit in grand assembly, according to the nature 
and magnitude of the call upon its services. These 
cardinal virtues independence of party and just 

composition of the body as between employers and 

ii i 


employed being made sure, there remained the 
much more difficult question of the powers of the 
Council. Was the Council to be clothed with any 
powers of compulsion? Was it to have the right 
of entry upon any industrial dispute ? Was it, once 
entered either by right or invitation, to have the 
power of enforcing its decisions? On this latter 
point there was neither doubt, nor room for doubt. 
The crack of the whip was not to be thought of. 
The legal enforcement of awards is one thing in 
New Zealand, where the number of workmen in a 
dispute seldom exceeds a few hundreds, and quite 
another thing in England, where in conceivable 
cases the malefactors might approach a quarter of 
a million, a mouthful from which the jaws and 
appetite of the ordinary criminal law would recoil. 1 
There was a rather stronger case for compulsion 
at the other end of the process. Vast armies of 
workmen could not be compelled, short of some- 
thing like civil war, to obey the verdict of an 
Industrial Court. Could they, on the other hand, be 

i. " Nobody knowing what it means enters upon a strike lightly, 
but just as certainly no trade unionist can think of giving up the 
right to leave work if he believes there is a just call to do so." 
Mr. WILLIAM MULLIN, Presidential Address to the Trade Union 
Congress, 1911. 



compelled to listen to an Industrial Court? On 
this point Charles Macara was pulled this way and 
that. The Canadian plan of operations was to 
preserve intact the right to strike, provided that the 
strikers had first submitted to all the forms of 
arbitration, and the right of the employer to lock 
out his men was made subject to the same 
condition. Every dispute was, on the motion of 
either party, to be brought, with its full array of 
witnesses and documents, before the Board of 
Conciliation and Investigation. Until this Board 
had formed and expressed its opinion, the right to 
proceed to a lock-out or a strike remained dormant, 
but awoke again when the Board issued an award 
to which both parties could not, or would not 
agree. A bill framed on the Canadian model was 
offered to the judgment of the country by the 
English Labour , Party about the same time as 
Charles Macara's plan. By this Bill the Arbitration 
Court which it proposed to set up was given the 
right to hear and adjudicate, and both parties were 
preserved in the right to fight if the finding was 
not satisfactory. 

Charles Macara would not hear of compulsion at 


either end of the process. He was aiming at the 
creation of a great moral force, and he declined 
to compromise it with the questionable company of 
physical coercion more capable of being threatened 
than applied. The Industrial Council which he 
asked the Government to set up would be 
impartially composed of capital and labour, and 
would be known by its name and habitation to all 
men. Each industry which had its own judicial 
system would retain it in full working order. The 
Industrial Council would be there to act when the 
trade in which any given dispute had arisen had 
exhausted the means of grace. Its entrance would be 
a further use of the patent device of the Brooklands 
Agreement the removal of the dispute out of the 
hands of those who started it. The Council was, in 
fact, the completion, body and soul, of the 
Brooklands Agreement ; and it was to act only by 
the consent of both parties. It was to have the 
imperious authority of those who do but stand at 
the gate and knock. It was to be a moral force; 
the delimitation on the map of a new pale of civilisa- 
tion. No group, whether of masters or men so 

his argument ran would care to face the great 



Third Party after a refusal to carry their case before 
a court in which their friends numbered as many as 
their foes, while any group whether of masters or 
men again which persisted in its course after the 
Council had declared against it, would be outlawed 
proscribed ! pilloried ! 

Charles Macara introduced his scheme to England 
in a letter to the Lord Mayor of Manchester 
(Mr. Charles Behrens x ) on July loth, 1911. 
In the course of this letter he informed the Lord 
Mayor that the scheme was the result of some years' 
thought and experience. The measure had long 
been ready in his mind ; the moment for submitting 
it to the country had come in this summer of 
industrial anarchy. As the practical scheme of a 
practical man, it immediately caught the public eye, 
while a certain constructiveness which was in it 
gained it much attention in the studies of social 
thinkers. It was a sort of Hague Convention, set 
up, not in international but in industrial affairs a 
much more hopeful atmosphere, because while a 

i. Afterwards Sir Charles Behrens. His Lord Mayoralty was 
distinguished for its successful avoidance of the use of the military 
arm in Manchester at a time when other centres of unrest were 
employing it freely. 



strong nation can defy international law and live 
piratically, no body of masters or men in the country 
could long support the moral and physical horrors of 
outlawry. And so, while the Manchester Guardian 
referred to Charles Macara's " almost unequalled 
experience in the conduct of difficult disputes in 
the cotton industry " and found in the scheme " the 
germ of a great and valuable reform," the Yorkshire 
Post the two voices representing the call of deep 
unto deep welcomed it strongly, albeit without 
much hope, as a possible check upon the world's 
rapid progress to the dogs. 1 

The scheme was further advertised in the House of 
Commons by a question by Mr. George N. Barnes, 
M.P., which drew from the Prime Minister, Mr. 
Asquith, the announcement that the Government 
would consider the establishment of an Industrial 
Council on Charles Macara's model if it could 
be shown to have behind it the right quantity 
and quality of support. Thus challenged, Charles 
Macara proceeded to agitate the country. Support 

i. The Yorkshire Post pointed out that the scheme would in no 
way interfere with the full working of the 262 permanent Boards 
of Joint Committees already settling disputes in various trades. 
Of these, 153 were already possessed of automatic machinery for 
dealing with deadlocks. 


was invited and readily obtained from the over- 
wrought mayoral parlours of England. Many 
great capitalists signified their assent, and much 
support came from the Labour Party, the scheme 
harmonising at once with the larger constructive 
intentions of Labour doctrinaires and the oppor- 
tunism of old trade unionists. Charles Macara 
weighed in himself with an article in the Financial 
Review of Reviews, 1 which is interesting for the 
complete conversion it notates to collective bargain- 
ing between employers and employed. The trade 
union is no longer the pestilence, but the postulate 
of ordered society. It is to be static as well as 
dynamic, and passages occur in this article 
which point clearly to the co-operation of 
labour in the general control of industry, a 
principle he had often acted upon informally in 
Lancashire. There was a clause in the Brook- 
lands Agreement recommending joint action by 
employers and employed in all matters which 
either threatened evil or promised good to the trade 
at large. The clause died in the letter, but Charles 
Macara acted constantly on its principle, and 

during his presidency of the Federation he frequently 
i. October, 1911. 



addressed meetings of the assembled trade and 
inaugurated great philanthropic movements for the 
benefit of Lancashire with one trade union leader 
at his right hand and another at his left. He now 
called upon labour definitely to cross the floor and 
join in the government of industry, thereby antici- 
pating curiously a scheme which, as we shall see in 
a moment, was put forward as a part of the social 
reconstruction to follow the War. 

Shortly after the publication of this article the 
Industrial Council was established, 1 the Board of 
Trade notifying its formation on October loth, 1911. 
The scheme was borrowed without amendment, 
the passages in which the Council's duties were 
limited, no less than those in which they were 
defined, being taken almost verbally from his pub- 
lished advocacy of the scheme. Each point which 
he had made in the press was merely underlined 
in the official memorandum which introduced the 
Council to the world the adverse effect of industrial 
war upon the general public ; the necessity of 
encouraging and fostering such voluntary methods 
of conciliation as were already in force ; the necessity 
i. Vide Appendix E, p. 267 et seg. 



of adding to these some means of releasing the 
condition of dead-lock; the decision against legal 
power either, as in Canada, to hear, or, as in 
Australia, to bind. Charles Macara was among the 
thirteen great employers appointed by the same 
instrument to balance an equal number of eminent 
trade unionists. The Government did not over- 
acknowledge its rather staggering indebtedness to 
the author of the scheme, but the author of the 
scheme had got his way, and was momentarily 
content. 1 

But only momentarily ! The subsequent history 
of the Council is little more than a chapter in social 
waste. It is possible that the Council excited the 
jealousy of the purely political mind; that the 
tendency of some of the staple trades to close like 
oysters against the touch of the outside hand was 
against it from another side. It held, at the request 
of the Government, a long and interesting inquiry 
into the growing industrial lawlessness of the times, 
but in the great strikes which came after its establish- 

i. Sir George Askwith, K.C., K.C.B., who was then Comptroller 
General of the Labour Department of the Board of Trade, was 
appointed Chairman of the Industrial Council, with the title of 
Chief Industrial Commissioner. 



ment the last of a long series it was very little 
employed; in the coal strike of 1912 only inter- 
mittently ; in a dispute in the cotton trade a very 
favourable occasion for its services, since it raised 
the important industrial question of the use of 
unorganised labour not at all. The outbreak of the 
European War in 1914 rolled up the map of English 
institutions, but Charles Macara held that a state of 
war, so far from stultifying the Industrial Council, 
should have been its accepted day. Its twenty-six 
members represented the capital and labour em- 
ployed in all the great staple industries; it was a 
collection around one table, not too large, of the 
practised brains and hands of organisation, and in 
a series of strong memorials to the Government 
and letters to the press 1 he urged that it should 
be employed in the mobilisation of industry which 

i. When the war broke out there was in existence in England 
an Industrial Council. It was appointed by the Government in 
1911 to deal in a broad spirit, and with a strong hand, with 
disputes between Capital and Labour. It was equally representa- 
tive of Capital and Labour ; it had the whole industrial system of 
England under its eye, all the industrial practice and custom of 
England at its finger tips. At the moment the war broke out the 
industrial mobilisation of England was necessary and even vital 
as necessary and as vital as the mobilisation of an expeditionary 

I 20 


was, in his own words, " a part of the vital strategy 
of war." It was the voice of one crying in a 
wilderness of improvised Government offices; of 
machines constructed on a vast scale and at an 
enormous expense to pick up pins ; of acreages of 
wooden shanties, erected, painted, plumbed and 
furnished ad hoc. 

Ideas, however, do not die so easily, and three 
years after the beginning of the War in 1917 the 
collective direction of industry by the whole body 
of workers engaged in it, which was at the root of 
Charles Macara's proposal in 191 1, was recommended 
by a Government Committee of Enquiry as the line 
which industrial progress must take after the War. 
In recommending the formation of National Indus- 
trial Councils for all the highly -organised industries, 
with District Councils and Works Committees 
rilling up a scheme of moral partnership between 
capital and labour, the Whitley Committee was 

force. The Industrial Council was there, a perfect engine of 
organisation, every part in working order, capable, within a few 
hours, of getting up the steam pressure for war. It was not used. 
(Sunday Times, April 19, 1917.) 



saying an almost exact ditto to what was either 
stated or implied in Charles Macara's agitation in 
the summer of 191 1 . It was his fate, as an industrial 
organiser, to be a little ahead of his times. 

I 22 


International Cotton Federation. 
International Institute of Agriculture* 



AMONG the great industries of England the cotton 
trade, second only to primordial agriculture in its 
importance and the mass of human life which it 
sustains, is an exotic. It has not grown of its own 
roots, but has been grafted. It is not spontaneous 
like ships and seafaring, nor is it like the industries 
of coal and iron and wheat, and even the sister 
industry of wool, the turning of man to his mother 
earth so that in the sweat of his brow he may eat 
bread. It is the supreme accident of English 
economic history ; the great departure. To account 
for cotton as an English craft at all, to account for it 
as the second in size and importance of all the 
English crafts, we go neither to the land of England 
nor to the waters that are about the land. 1 Not one 
particle of its raw material could possibly be grown 
in an English summer ; its finished product is not 
recommended for the English winter, and in juxta- 
position to the human frame is frowned upon 
i. Vide Appendix A, p. 191 et seq., " Cotton : its Early History." 


definitely in proverbial wisdom for all seasons of 
the English year. Situated in about the bleakest and 
wettest diocese of evangelical England ; inextricably 
entangled in Wesleyan circuits; lodged in the 
smooth enfoldments of hills that go up with a shout 
of pulpit oratory and Sunday School cantatas, the 
trade of Lancashire yet ministers in the intimate 
necessity of calico to all the idolatries of earth ; 
springing out of rectangular streets of brick or 
stone, which twinkle with the brass tablets of the 
Refuge and the Prudential, and are harsh with clogs 
and early rising ; blackening a sky which was already 
grey, its dealings are with the lotus lands of East and 
West, and those who swoon in the sun. It trades 
under foreign flags; under strange gods. 

Manchester cannot even in imagination follow 
the tremendous and awful destination of Manchester 
goods. They lie out on sun-blistered quays, and are 
carried by rivers into forest twilights; they are 
heaped in bazaars and round the feet of minarets, 
and from these emporiums they pass on to un- 
fathomable domestic mysteries behind high white 
walls ; they travel on the backs of camels, and are 

worn by philosophers at the mouths of tents ; they 



stream from the shoulders of fierce horsemen, and 
go with the pitcher down the steps of the well. 
Lancashire exists by the tropics and the sub-tropics. 
The weaver who flourishes her washleather in John 
Bright Street on Friday night, and calls " James 
'Enry " home out of the piercing draught, and the 
overlooker who "has his tea and washes 'im," 
always in that order and chronology, and proceeds 
to the choir practice, where they will rehearse the 
Whitsuntide hymns, are represented by time and 
piece in the hangings of Arabian nights. The 
bitterest memory of John Bright Street is a war for 
the liberation of oleographic slaves, and even the 
haughty and intolerant province of Oldham, which 
treads on a new fashion as Rome used to tread 
on a new thought, and only removes its hat for 
the National Anthem or the funeral of a Major in 
the Territorials if it thinks no one is looking, is 
inextricably involved for its daily bread with people 
who do not scruple to cry Allah, and to prostrate 
themselves publicly upon their faces. 

This state of affairs can be demonstrated by 
statistics. Lancashire buys and brings three 

thousand miles across the Atlantic one-fifth of the ' 



cotton crop of the Southern States 1 ; she brings from 
the Mediterranean mainly for the more eclectic 
trade of Manchester and Bolton about one-half of 
the longer stapled crop of Egypt ; 2 she spins 
and weaves and dyes and prints it; she keeps 
about one-quarter of the final product for the English 
market, and sends the rest, representing about one- 
third of the total exports of English manufactures, 
abroad. Since the greater part of the raw material 
comes from America, and the greater part of the 
finished product is sold in India and China, the 
fabric passes through the fingers of Manchester on 
a journey almost completely across the world. It is 
not one of the native arts of England, like the 
building of ships and the breeding of horses, but 
England's greatest artifice ; a gigantic and incredible 
technique. For, not only does Lancashire clothe the 
inhabitants of one tropic with a fabric which has 
grown in the other, but she does a considerable trade 
in her finer goods with European countries which 
have cotton spinning industries of their own, and 
a noticeable amount of the crop which was grown 

1. Vide Appendix B, p. 209 et seq., Address at Atlanta, Georgia, 
U.S.A., 1907. 

2. Vide Appendix C, p. 222 et seq., Address at Alexandria, 
Egypt, 1912. 



in America goes back again across the Atlantic, and 
finds its way once more into America round an. 
adverse tariff of sixty per cent. It is like the piano, 
or an eye for the fast balls at cricket, and just as these 
things, if they are consummate, will turn the course 
of a man's career, and carry him wide of his pre- 
ordained destiny in the counting house or the shop, 
so cotton has shaped and determined the history of 
England. England has thought cotton. 

Men have risen up from time to time, and have 
sworn in their hearts that the English market should 
belong to English men, and behold there was 
Lancashire, compromised hopelessly with half the 
attractive strangers of earth, and unable to sell to 
them, or, at any rate, to obtain payment for what she 
sold, unless they in their turn sold to us. The idea of 
a self-contained island died in course of time, and 
reappeared in the dream of a self-contained Empire, 
and again Lancashire, with a population larger than 
Scotland or Ireland or Australia, has been got into 
the scheme with about as much painful contrivance 
and discomfort as it cost the Mad Hatter and the 
March Hare to insert the dormouse in the tea-pot. 1 

i. " Greater Manchester " alone is twice as great in population 
as New Zealand. 



Even the considerable amount of manufactured 
cotton which comes into England is found on 
examination to be largely composed of small goods 
to which Lancashire herself has applied the first 
and most profitable processes. It is an industry 
which refuses to climb upon the knees of England 
and be nursed, and all the rest of the country has 
had to live up to its spirit, just as a whole family 
has to inure itself to open windows because there is 
a consumptive in the house. Consequently, men 
have been known to turn upon the cotton trade and 
deny it the name of English. They have sworn 
in their wrath that it is an excrescence ; a bad habit ; 
that South-east Lancashire is not national in the 
sense in which Lincolnshire and Wessex and 
Oxford and Salisbury, and even Liverpool and the 
Potteries, may be allowed to be national. 

Neither, indeed, is it ! Like Palestine, Lancashire 
belongs to everybody. It is a part of human experi- 
ence ; the messianic corner of earth in which the new 
world was announced ; the region in which steam and 
mechanism first happened to man. 1 And the cotton 
trade, being chosen and dedicated for this great 

i. " What Art was to the ancient world, Science is to the 
modern ; the distinctive faculty. In the minds of men the useful 



revelation, and having indeed a mission to England 
which succeeded, and a mission to the world which 
has so far failed, always abounded in definite 
dogmatic teaching. If it was not actually born of a 
new theory of life and politics, a new theory was 
certainly necessary to its growth. It had to argue 
England out of being an island; to plant a more 
prosaic and temperate conception of the foreigner as 
a customer in disguise, and to spread the belief, still 
not universally held, that customers are on the 
whole more desirable when they have much to offer 
in exchange than when only little ; to clear away 
out of our own system tons of mediaeval debris. It 
over-did its mission, as all good missionaries do. 
Knowing no municipal government except that of 
the parish beadle, and no national government 
except that of landlords in one House and their 
nominees in the other, it was almost totally desti- 
tute of the Greek conception of the State, and 

has succeeded to the beautiful. Instead of the city of the Violet 
Crown, a Lancashire village has expanded into a mighty region 
of factories and warehouses. Yet, rightly understood, Manchester 
is as great a human exploit as Athens. The inhabitants, indeed, 
are not so impressed with their idiosyncracy as the countrymen 
of Pericles and Phidias. They do not fully comprehend the posi- 
tion which they occupy. It is the philosopher alone who can 
conceive the grandeur of Manchester and the immensity of its 
future." BENJAMIN DISRAELI in " Coningsby," 1844. 

'3 1 


though Cobden was himself an Alderman, the no 
less Greek conception of the city, and the low and 
ill-bred gait of one Manchester street into another, 
the furtive shambling of Blackfriars Street from 
Salford into Manchester, as though it would do 
anything in the world but get there, being now 
incurable, will last for ever, as a lesson against the 
awful consequences of the Manchester theory of 
letting everybody do as he likes one of those 
sermons in stones of which the world is full to those 
who have ears and eyes. It miscalculated badly the 
future of the British Empire and its zeal for freedom 
of contract led the country into the unforgettable 
morass of the early factory system. 

On the other hand, the charge against the 
Manchester School that it cared for nothing but 
material progress is untrue, and is refuted by its 
splendid and rather pathetic belief in self-education 
and self-improvement exhibiting itself in a rich crop 
of Mechanics' Institutes and its famous refusal to 
be coerced, even by ruin and starvation, into siding 
against President Lincoln and the North. 1 It gave 

i. " He had begun life with the idea that the great manufac- 
turers and merchants of England should aspire to that high direct- 
ing position which had raised the Medici. to a level with 
the sovereign princes of the earth. Through all his public course 
Cobden did his best to moralise this great class." " The Life of 
Richard Cobden " by Lord MORLEY. 



to English history the heroic story of the Anti-Corn 
Law League, and it enriched the genius of England 
with Cobden's almost lyrical logic and the pure and 
noble eloquence of Bright. Its international senti- 
ment, though still denied with strong drink and 
raving, is a thing to which the children of men will 
yet come. The best praise of the Manchester School 
is that it had to be, in order that other things might 
come after it, and that all social building in the 
future will have to be laid on the work which it did 
in its own time among English institutions and in 

the English mind. 1 


In this significant community of Lancashire 
Charles Macara has an historic place. He is in 

i. Much interest was taken by England in 1916 in the defeat 
of the Free Trade party in the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. 
Shortly after this incident, the Indian Government imposed a 
protective duty on Lancashire goods entering India, a liberty which 
England could only disallow to India on the condition of remaining 
a Free Trade country herself. The newly-elected directors of the 
Chamber, though remaining in favour of Protection as a theory, 
objected to this example of it as a practice, and headed a great 
deputation of the cotton trade, which went to the India Office 
to be heard against it. This protest by the new directors against 
receiving a small instalment of their own policy is an incident to 
which no parallel could be found in the life of Alderman Cobden 
who brought about the original conversion of the Manchester 
Chamber of Commerce to Free Trade. 



the apostolic succession of Manchester men, and we 
might almost say that the twenty-one years in which 
he was at the head of the organised cotton 
employers was not only his reign but and 
it is a much rarer phenomenon in history 
his epoch and his age. We have seen what 
a large share he had in shaping over many 
critical years the relations between employers 
and employed, but the labour question was only one 
of a company of questions which had closed in upon 
the trade. They, were not the questions which had 
troubled the early days of Manchester. The landscape 
had completely changed. Classical Manchester had a 
virtual monopoly in cotton manufactured goods. 
All the world was at its feet, if it could only get 
its feet free. To the " Manchester School " 
this universe presented itself as divided sharply 
between England vibrant with machinery on 
the one hand, and all the other countries of 
the world teeming with food and raw material 
on the other, and the problem was to bring 
about such an opening of gates that the 
things which England made could be exchanged 
for the things which other communities grew. The 

circumstance that we could not enforce the opening 
of their gates was no reason why we should not 
open ours. Once admit the grown produce of the 
foreigner into England, and it followed unless, 
indeed, the foreigner was a philanthropist and also 
a fool that he must take in exchange for it the 
product of English machines, and the fact that he 
allowed his government to intercept a portion of his 
just price was his affair, and not ours. This was 
the proposition which Lancashire had to prove in 
order that it might grow. 

In Charles Macara's day the problems which 
encircled the trade were quite different. The ailment 
of Lancashire was not so much the growing pains 
of youth, as something very like the gout of mature 
age, and in the few years which preceded the 
opening of the Manchester Ship Canal there were 
slight but unmistakeable symptoms of early senile 
decay. It was common knowledge arnong the men 
who spread themselves in Daniel Adamson's 
drawing-room on June 27th, 1882, and began the 
superhuman struggle for the Canal, that Lancashire 
was stationary like Spain. Liverpool was chiefly 
blamed for it. Liverpool, and the railways which 



served to and from Liverpool, were said to be slowly 
strangling the trade of South-east Lancashire. 

But there were deeper troubles even than this. The 
great bulk of the world's raw cotton comes from 
America, India and Egypt. There are wide differ- 
ences between the several crops of these three 
countries, the product of the first serving one set of 
manufacturing processes, that of the second another 
set, and that of the third yet another. 1 These are 
the three main vertical divisions of the world's crop, 
and the horizontal divisions cutting across them, 
and distinguishing one part of the same crop from 
another part of it are few in number, fixed and 
precise. All raw cotton falls instantly into its 
classification, and the result of this was that the 
market for raw cotton, turning on its own axis year by 
year, unperturbed like the soap market, for example, 
or even its own relative, the cloth market, or any 
other market which is in contact with the incalculable 
humours of the consuming laity, by changes of 
fashion, and the birth and death of new ideas, had 
developed habits of its own, and a strong and 

i. The Lancashire cotton trade, for example, makes very little 
use of Indian cotton, which is well suited to continental spinning. 
The Egyptian crop, on the other hand, is extremely serviceable 
and, indeed, indispensable to the fine spinning of Manchester and 



complicated bodily structure which was largely 
independent of the productive trade which it existed 
to serve. 

Nor was this all. Lancashire had been 
content to depend very largely for her raw 
cotton on the United states. In the age to 
which we have now come America, with more 
than 30,000,000 spindles of her own, was using 
every year more and more of her cotton crop, 
and it was beginning to be a question whether the 
world's consumption of calico, the extent of which 
can be dimly appreciated when we reflect that what 
fur is to Petrograd in winter, calico is to the 
fabulous millions of Asia and Africa nearly all the 
year round climatic, characteristic was not get- 
ting beyond anything which the cotton fields of 
earth could supply. These were among the prob- 
lems which Charles Macara helped Lancashire to 
meet. It was he who largely incorporated the 
Lancashire cotton industry, and went a considerable 
way towards incorporating the cotton industry of the 
world. He gave Lancashire new organisations; 
still more to the point, he helped to give her the 
spirit and the habit of organisation. 



The opening of the Ship Canal was the re-birth 
of Manchester. It stopped, and, indeed, turned into 
the opposite direction the migration of engineers, 
chemical manufacturers, and all their tribe and 
kindred, from Manchester to the Clyde and the 
Tyne. It made Manchester the greatest engineer- 
ing city in the world ; it Americanised Trafford 
Park. But it did not immediately make its mark 
on the cotton trade. Seventeen days after it was 
opened on January 27th, 1894 tne first cargo of 
cotton sailed processionally into Manchester from 
the United States, and thirty-one cargoes twenty 
from Egypt and eleven from the United States 
had arrived when the Canal was fifteen months old. 
But this progress, though it did not stop, did not 
accelerate. Many spinners and spinners' managers 
were unable to break themselves of the Liverpool 
habit which had an enjoyable social aspect, and the 
forces which had been actively against the Canal fell 
back after defeat upon passive resistance, the Liver- 
pool Cotton Association solemnly excommunicating 
all unappropriated and still unbought raw cotton 
lying in Manchester. 1 Manchester might be a 

i. The exact process was to make cotton lying in Manchester 
untenderable against contracts for future delivery. 



channel, but Liverpool was still to be the reservoir. 
It was to meet this state of things that the Man- 
chester Cotton Association was formed on November 
6th, 1894. Charles Macara, then comparatively 
young in his office of President of the Employers' 
Federation, presided in the Victoria Arcade at one 
of those black-coated and felt-hatted Manchester 
meetings which are so much more than they seem 
to be, and took the directing headship of an Associa- 
tion which was immediately joined by 265 spinners 
representing 14,000,000 spindles. 1 The main objects 
of the Association were to promote the importation 
of raw cotton by the Canal and to establish a cotton 
market in Manchester. The Association had more 
success in the first than in the second of these aims. 
The market had been removed from Manchester to 
Liverpool by the opening of the railway in 1834, an d> 
though a number of brokers have now returned to 
Manchester, the Canal has not brought the main 
organisation back. But the use of the Canal for 
cargoes of raw cotton was forwarded with striking 
results. Charles Macara, working in close associa- 
tion all the time with J. K. Bythell, an old friend 

i. Vide Appendix D, p. 249 et teg. 


from the days of Grosvenor Square Church, held 
the presidency for six years, and, when he passed 
on the work in igoo to other hands, the seasonal 
importation of cotton by the Canal had grown from 
64,000 to 550,000 bales, having increased by 150,000 
bales in the last year of the period. Larger even 
than the direct saving to the Lancashire cotton trade 
on this traffic was the indirect saving caused by 
competition and the disestablishment of a monopoly. 
At the same time Liverpool, in accordance with the 
mysterious and beneficent law of compensation, 
gained more than she lost. Supply was found, as 
it often is, to create demand. 

Thiswas by no means the end of Charles Macara's 
dealings with the momentous question of transport. 
In 1902 Lancashire was seriously alarmed by the 
rapid strides made by the American cotton trade in 
the Chinese market. Transport rates were suspected 
of having something to do with Lancashire's loss of 
this trade, and, on an examination of the matter, the 
surprising discovery was made that whereas it was 
three thousand miles further from New York to the 
Far East than from Liverpool, the American rate of 

carriage was about half the English rate. This intelli- 



gence was communicated to Lancashire. It was one 
of the instances of his habituat practice of addressing 
himself not only to capital but to labour, and, since 
the charges applied not alone to coarse cotton 
goods, but to other classes of our trade with China, 
including machinery, he brought practically all pro- 
ductive and inventive Lancashire into one compact 
protesting body. Distributive Lancashire was less 
easy to manage. The agitation was discounten- 
anced by the powerful shipping fraternity of Man- 
chester, and the Chamber of Commerce on this occa- 
sion gave little help. 1 The struggle with the Ship- 
ping Companies was a short one. A fortnight 
after Charles Macara made his exposure of the 
striking disparity between American and English 
rates to the Far East, a powerful deputation of 
masters and men under his leadership paid an 
important call on the Shipping Companies in Liver- 
pool, and in another fortnight the rates from Liver- 
pool to China were placed on a level with the rates 
from New York to China. The saving to the 
Lancashire cotton industry alone effected by these 
storming tactics was estimated at ; 100,000 a year. 

i. John Thomson, the President of the Chamber, assisted 
the cause powerfully, but unofficially. 



It was shortly after this incident in the year 
1904 that Lancashire formally renounced the 
divine right to the cotton trade, and proclaimed it 
a commonwealth which was to overlie trie boun- 
daries of some twenty-one civilised countries of the 
world. The step was not suggested by the shrink- 
age of Lancashire which, in the years following 
the establishment of the International Federation, 
increased its spindles by very nearly the 
equivalent of the whole cotton trade of Germany, 
and by more than the equivalent of that of 
Russia or France, but by the unmanageable 
expansion of the world. Practically every inch of 
the unredeemed world won for civilisation is won 
for calico. The 250,000,000 inhabitants of the world 
who are still content with the state of nature are 
all of them potential customers for cotton, while the 
750,000,000 who are partly clothed buy little of any- 
thing else, and as their code of etiquette assumes 
further complications, will buy more and more. 
Added to all this is the enormous consumption of 
calico in the temperate zones of earth. To ask 
Lancashire alone to feed a market such as this would 

be to ask her to abandon all her other occupations, to 



forego all the arts and solaces of life, and even the 
distinction between night and day, and still fail ; and 
those who were uneasy because the Lancashire 
cotton industry did not grow upon itself in the same 
ratio of growth as the juvenile spinning industries 
of Europe, were forgetting that maturity will not 
grow as fast as youth it is enough if it consoli- 
dates and develops character. 

The troubles which came to a head in 1904 were 
not due to any inability to sell manufactures but 

to an increasing inability to buy raw materials. 
America, with a growing manufacturing industry, 
was retaining more and more of her own cotton 
crop, and the day was beginning to be imaginable 
when she would retain it all. For what was left, 
England had to compete with the developing cotton 
industries of Europe and Asia, and the narrow 
margin between the world's demand and the world's 
supply was breeding a rampageous speculation. 
The " cotton corner " was becoming a more and 
more usual phenomenon. The extreme danger of 
Lancashire's almost complete dependence upon the 
weather and the whims of the Southern States had 
become apparent, and, about this time, the British 



Cotton Growing Association, which had its origin 
in a movement by the Oldham Chamber of Com- 
merce, and of which Charles Macara afterwards 
became a Vice-President, began the important work 
of opening up fresh sources of supply in Africa 
under the British flag. 

But the crisis of 1903 and 1904 would not wait 
for Africa. It was Sully 's year. The shortage 
of raw material together with the operations of 
a single speculator brought Lancashire to a state of 
things which recalled, if it did not repeat, the experi- 
ence of the Cotton Famine in the sixties. Lanca- 
shire escaped final disaster by adopting and faith- 
fully working Charles Macara 's plan of short hours. 
The working hours in the Lancashire factories were 
reduced from 55^ to 40 per week ; the operatives 
went on a regimen which in the following summer 
spelt Blackpool again instead of Paris or Lucerne, 
which were growing in favour. 1 The call upon the 
raw cotton market was eased, and Sully was broken 
in pieces. Lancashire had saved the cotton trade 
of the world, but it was clearly felt that the sacrifice 
must not be asked of her again. The mass meeting 

i. Charles Macara was always against complete stoppages of 
the trade, even if they were short ones, and preferred what may 
be called the rationing of work and wages. 



of employers and employed which pledged itself to 
Charles Macara's proposal at the end of 1903 was in 
telegraphic communication with the American and 
European spinners, and was attended by a repre- 
sentative of the French trade, and so strong was the 
rapport found to be already existing, that an inter- 
national movement of the cotton trade was felt to 
be at least possible. 

An appeal to the English Government to call an 
assembly of the cotton spinners of all countries to 
discuss the difficulties of the trade, met with a good 
deal of departmental sympathy but no practical 
response, and in March, 1904, the Employers' 
Federation of Lancashire, acting with the 
Swiss Association the two bodies represent- 
ing the whale and an exceedingly gallant 
minnow in these waters summoned an inter- 
national congress. Switzerland not only joined 
in convening the assembly, but acted as its 
host. The congress met at Zurich on May 23rd, 
1904, and out of its deliberations grew the Inter- 
national Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' 
and Manufacturers' Associations, which was for- 
mally established at a second congress in Man- 



Chester in 1905. Lancashire, although by far the 
largest interest included in the Federation, wisely 
abstained from every attempt to count for too much 
in its management. The annual conferences which 
followed were held at Bremen, Vienna, Paris, Milan, 
Brussels, Barcelona, and the Hague, and the com- 
mittee met twice a year in some central city of 
Europe. Manchester gave the Federation its home 
and headquarters, and it is not too much to say that 
in Charles Macara, who was elected President in 
1904, and held the office till 1915, it gave the move- 
ment life and soul. 

Every question affecting the cotton industry, 
except the labour question, came before these annual 
meetings of the International Federation. It was, 
however, called into existence by the crisis of 1904, 
and until 1914, when the floor fell out of these 
international structures, its best mind went into 
projects for widening the world's harvest of cotton. 
Accordingly, we find it encouraging and superin- 
tending in the tropical colonies of European 
countries the work which was being done in English 
colonies by the British Cotton Growing Association. 1 
On India the Federation made a lasting mark. The 

i. Vide Appendix C, p. 233 et aeq. 
I 4 6 


Indian cotton crop is degenerate. It was the source 
of the priceless Indian hand-woven muslins, and a 
pound's weight of the yarn from which these 
fabrics were produced has been estimated to be 
two hundred and forty miles long. Indifferent 
cultivation has cost it all this eminence of quality, 
and it is now the characteristically short-stapled 
cotton of the world, though, as such, it serves very 
largely on the continent of Europe for the manufac- 
ture of rough and ready goods, and performs the 
valuable economic function of relieving the pressure 
on the American crop. The activities of the Inter- 
national Federation lifted the Indian crop from 
three million to nearly six million bales, and an 
important project for the planting of American and 
Egyptian seed on a large tract of irrigated land in 
India had advanced considerably when it was 
temporarily set back by the outbreak of war. 1 

The International Federation did much to 
improve the cultivation of cotton in America and 
to civilise the American cotton bale. It was the 
characteristic of the American cotton bale that it 
never seemed to get properly out of bed in the 
morning. A most ungroomed and down-at-heel 

i. Vide Appendix D, p. 249 et seq. 


object of commerce, it loafed and loitered away 
many misdirected hours in shanties and on quay 
sides, and showed up in England at an advanced 
hour of day still in the same convalescence of 
slippers and dressing gown. The whole cotton 
growing industry of America was suffering from 
this Bohemianism, and inattention to small things 
was beginning to count, as it will, in the large result. 
The yield acre by acre was steadily declining, and 
American cotton might have gone the way of Indian 
had not a Private Investigation Commission 
organised by Charles Macara visited the Southern 
States in 1906 at the time of planting, and again 
at the time of picking, and made many 
suggestions as to the treatment of soil and the 
selection of seed, startling the dilettanti with prosaic 
recommendations about bringing the gathered 
cotton in out of the rain. The advice had the 
unusual experience of being taken. Charles 
Macara, leading another international delegation to 
America l in the following year, was surprised, 
accustomed as he was to the majestic deliberation 

with which English officialism proceeds from know- 

1. This delegation travelled 4,600 miles in a special train 
through the cotton growing States. 



ing about a thing to doing it, to find experimental 
farms already set up and spreading knowledge, and 
large warehouses erected for the proper storage of 

The International Cotton Federation had a sister 
in the service of agriculture. It was drawn into 
relationship with the International Institute of 
Agriculture partly because cotton, like wheat, is an 
annual harvest, and the fortunes of all who live 
by it rest ultimately with the seed which falls into 
the ground and dies, and partly because Charles 
Macara, while he gave life to the one, saved it to the 
other. In the early years of the present century 
David Lubin, an American citizen, travelled the 
world with an important scheme for setting up an 
observation post from which all the harvests of the 
world could be surveyed and signalled, bad results 
here be set off against good results there, and all 
the growing fields of earth put, so to speak, under a 
single stewardship. The main object was to thwart 
the speculator who thrives on the kind of ignorance 
which David Lubin's scheme was to dispel. It was 
intended to give the world eyes in the back of its 




After much journeying to and fro, David 
Lubin got a hearing from the King of Italy, who 
called together the governments of the world to 
consider the scheme in a Conference at Rome. 
The Conference was a success, but a work of this 
kind, being everybody's business and therefore 
nobody's, depending on a large number of people 
willing the same thing at the same time, and doing 
it, no sooner gets afloat than it gets becalmed. It 
overcomes mere obstruction, but perishes of inertia. 
It gets mislaid in pigeon-holes, and David Lubin 's 
scheme was dying of asphyxia when its author 
sought out Charles Macara in Manchester. Full of 
sympathy for a brother organiser in distress, full 
of the idea itself, he went to London in the 
interests of the scheme, saw one of the English 
officials who had been to Rome, and so worked 
upon him that he modulated his advice to the 
English Government out of the minor into the major 
key, and ended his report, as he had not begun it, 
with an imperative "yes." Having convinced the 
English Government he went on to Paris and con- 
vinced the French Government, and hurried back to 
London to keep Whitehall up to the sticking point. 





It was the saving of David Lubin's scheme. The 
international Institute of Agriculture was set up in 
Rome. Alone, or almost alone, among the appliances 
for the peace of the world it has had the distinction 
of surviving even the European War. Its bulletins 
continue to supply invaluable information. 

The International Cotton Federation enjoyed a 
considerable social prestige. It was received every- 
where. Charles Macara and the members of the 
International Committee talked business not only 
with Ministers of State, but in all the palaces of 
Europe with King Edward at Windsor ; with the 
German Emperor on board his yacht in Kiel 
Harbour ; with the Emperor of Austria in Vienna ; 
with the King of Haly in Rome ; with the King 
of the Belgians in Brussels ; with the President of the 
Provisional Government of Portugal in Lisbon ; with 
the King of Spain in Madrid ; with the Queen of the 
Netherlands at the Royal Palace of Loo ; and with 
Presidents Loubet, Fallieres, and Poincar at the 
Elyse, Paris; with the Khedive of Egypt and 
Lord Kitchener 1 away at the outposts of the 
empire, and with the Governors of the Cotton States 

i. Vide Appendix C, p. 239 tt stq., nd H, p. 327 et teg. 


of America. They talked cotton, and above all they 
talked peace. Never for a moment did Charles 
Macara unhitch his waggon from that beckoning 
star, or lose the faith which was so strong in earlier 
Manchester that commerce must ultimately civilise 
and pacify the earth. Since these conversations the 
world has gone the other w&y, but it will return to 
the appointed path, and the work of internationalis- 
ing Europe will be the easier for these first attempts. 
The channels have been dug, and habit will find 
them and run in them again. Habit even long 
intermitted habit always does. 


War : Cotton Reserve. 

Cotton as Contraband. 
National Register. 



THE International Cotton Federation and the 

Industrial Council were Charles Macara's chief con- 
tributions larger and more practical contributions 
than most men have the good fortune to make to 
the ideas and institutions of his age. But the whole 
of his Presidency of the English Master Cotton 
Spinners' Federation was a gift not only to Lanca- 
shire, but to society at large. It was a totally new 
efBore|cence. He had shaped a new type 
of career, and almost, we might say, lived a 
new kind of life. Success in business is liable in 
England to two processes of degeneration. It 
either remains an affair of mere accumulation and 
becomes stagnant, or it is run off into the futilities 
of sport or party politics, feeling its sandy way, if it 
takes the latter course, through interminable division 
lobbies to final evaporation in the House of Lords. 
Charles Macara made business a public career. He 
moralised it, and made it stand before kings. His 
room in York Street, Manchester, was not only the 



wheel-house from which a large private enterprise 
was navigated, but more and more as his own busi- 
ness answered the lightest touch of the helm, it 
became the workshop of a public economist. At 
the most critical moments in the history of the 
cotton trade he was freely accessible to the press; 
calling the needy journalist in ; instructing him in 
technical processes ; inculcating his favourite theory 
of the inter-dependence of industry; rejoicing greatly 
over every ounce of this teaching which percolated 
into print ; sorrowing, as those that are without hope, 
over the failure of the London press to understand 
cotton. Himself, he pamphleteered and indoctri- 
nated without ceasing, preferred voluntary work 
to any of the number of directorates he might have 
had, and not only thought out in principle, but 
carried through in detail, scheme after scheme for 
organising industrial England, and bringing men, 
in one of his own favourite phrases, " into line." 

This organising activity made itself felt chiefly in 
the relations between Lancashire and the outside 
world, and, within Lancashire, in the relations 
between masters and men. But it had other mani- 
festations. The Cotton Employers' Parliamentary 



Association was formed in 1899 to consider Acts of 
Parliament affecting the cotton industry. It was 
the counterpart on the employers' side to the United 
Textile Factory Workers' Association on the side 
of the operatives, and it was the combination of 
these two bodies which intervened in 1903 with such 
decisive results in the fiscal controversy raised by 
Mr. Chamberlain. Charles Macara presided at 
the joint conference in which the two bodies spoke 
the mind of the cotton trade, and, keeping the agita- 
tion then lighted at white heat, made himself per- 
haps the most powerful opponent of Tariff Reform 
outside Parliament. 1 In the three controversial years 
which followed, the name " Macara " became an 
argument, if not a clincher in itself, and could be 
heard employed in that capacity in any railway 
carriage or smoking cafe* in Lancashire. 2 

Larger in its scope, if not so decisive in its results, 
was the Employers' Parliamentary Association 

1. Vide Appendix F, p. 289 et seq. 

2. Speaking at Bolton at the height of the Tariff Reform Con- 
troversy, Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman said : "I have some 
words here which I have reserved to the very close of my remarks, 
in order to give more emphasis to them. They are the words 
which were used by a friend of mine, Mr. Macara, President of 
the Cotton Employers' Federation. He said : ' It may, I think, 
be taken that intelligent and fostering legislation, harmonious 
relationship between capital and labour, enterprise to secure a 



which grew out of his profound discontent with the 
details of the Insurance Act. In the hope of post- 
poning the operation of that Act, 1 he organised a 
deputation to the Prime Minister which represented 
two thousand millions of capital. 2 The deputation 
was refused a hearing. 3 The Employers' Parlia- 
mentary Association was formed to give industry 
and commerce ana the managing mind generally 
their due weight in public affairs. The Association 
was a success. It attracted to itself forty Employers' 
Federations and Associations, and a great number 

plentiful supply of raw material, energy, ability, and skill on the 
part of both employers and workpeople, and economy in the cost 
of production, are the main factors that will enable us to continue 
to secure a fair share of the world's trade. I venture to express 
the opinion, at all events, that these conditions form the most 
secure basis any great commercial nation can rest upon which is 
dependent upon foreign trade for such a large proportion of its 
employment.'" Times October i6th, 1903. 

1. One of the provisions of the Act was that its operation could 
be postponed for six months. 

2. Charles Macara presided over the largest protest meeting 
held in Manchester, and as it was impossible to find any hall large 
enough to accommodate the whole of those who wished to take 
part in it, he asked for signatures to the protest, 18,000, embracing 
the names of many leading firms in the north of England, the 
midland counties, and in the north of Ireland, being secured in 
four days. 

3. The working of the Act has proved that many of the fears 
which it excited were well founded, and a Committee of Investiga- 
tion was appointed (1916) on which Charles Macara was requested 
to serve, but, being unable to do so, he nominated Mr. John 
Haworth, the Secretary of the Employers' Parliamentary Associa- 
tion, to act in his place. 



of important firms which still stood alone in the 
increasingly severe industrial and financial weather 
of the times, and thus constituted, it concerned itself 
actively in the legislation and science of industry. 

For some five years Charles Macara carried the 
day to day work of the Association on his own 
shoulders, and retired from his office of President 
early in 1917 on the ground that the Association in 
the process of amalgamating- itself with another 
body of the same character was shifting from the 
democratic basis on which it had been built up. 1 

In 1911 Charles Macara was created a baronet 
of the United Kingdom. Three years before in 
1908 France had given him, as the founder of the 
International Cotton Federation, the Legion of 
Honour, the Consul-General of the Republic in the 

i. Firms and associations of firms were to be eligible for 
membership of the new body on a flat rate payment of 100 a 
year for three years. Charles Macara was in favour of levies on 
members pro rata, but as the majority decided in favour of the 
flat rate, he declined to accept further responsibility for the 
management of the Association. The five Annual Reports of the 
Employers' Parliamentary Association show the magnitude and 
importance of its work. The last report, issued in January, 1917, 
dealt with industrial unrest, industry and finance, alien indebted- 
ness, scientific research, patents, transport facilities, a ministry of 
commerce, the National Insurance Act, federation of British 
industries, etc. 


West of England investing him with the Order in 
the Manchester Town Hall. In the same year he was 
presented with an address by the representatives of 
fifteen nationalities. 1 In the travels of the Federa- 
tion throughout Europe he received decora- 
tions from Belgium, Spain, Germany and Italy ; and 
an acknowledgment of his work from the United 
States of America. The baronetcy met with the full 
approval of Lancashire, and it is significant that the 
congratulations of the cotton trade came both from 
employers and employed. The Employers' Federa- 
tion, in a resolution adopted on January 6th, 
1911, referred to "untiring and devoted ser- 
vices rendered so willingly and cheerfully to the 
cotton industry, not of this country only, but of the 
entire cotton-using world," and to " devoted labours 
on behalf of international peace and goodwill," 
while the Secretaries of the two great trade unions 
of South-east Lancashire that of the Cardroom 
workers and that of the Operative Spinners wrote 
warm personal letters, and forwarded the good 
wishes of their members. The Operative Spinners 
afterwards framed their congratulations to Sir 

i. Vide Appendix C, 245 tt seq. 


Charles and Lady Macara in an illuminated address. 
In presenting this address, Mr. Thomas Ashton, 
the veteran President, spoke of the belief which the 
cotton operatives generally, no less than their 
leaders had in Sir Charles Macara's fairness of 
mind. " We have always found him striving to 
be just, to hold the balance evenly between em- 
ployers and employed, and to promote those peaceful 
relations which are so essential to the welfare of the 
cotton industry." l 

But the world was coming to the parting of the 
ways. August 4th, 1914, was at hand. The great 
dividing line in time behind which the old world 
seems even now antediluvial was about to be drawn. 
To Sir Charles Macara, as, indeed, to everyone who 
had cherished and promoted large public objects, 
the war came as a great disolvent. Within 
a few days of its outbreak he, already visited 
by two representatives of the Government, was 
actively assisting in that financial clearing of 
decks and fastening of hatches which was the 

i. It was in receiving this address that Sir Charles Macara 
lamented that no monument had been erected in Lancashire to 
James Mawdesley, perhaps the greatest figure which the trade 
unionism of the county has produced. 



need of the moment, and, the first crisis being safely 
passed, and the Liverpool Cotton Market temporarily 
closed, he offered his gratuitous services to any 
department of the Government which cared to call 
for them. In the first winter of the war a difference 
of opinion with the Cotton Employers' Federation 
on the strategical management of the world's cotton 
supply brought to an end, after a twenty-one years' 
eventful history, his headship of that great body. He 
preferred to retain his liberty of action during the 
national crisis. The following year 1915 he 
retired also from the presidency of the Inter- 
national Federation, the work of which was 
practically suspended by the war. The war 
was, however, the occasion of all occasions 
for the use of an organising faculty like his. 
Almost as important in August, 1914, as the 
despatch of the expeditionary force was the 
industrial mobilisation of England. Two adminis- 
trative achievements of the highest workmanship, 
swiftly, silently and strongly done, were, as we shall 
see, among the results of his offer of service to the 
Government. But larger and more momentous than 

the things which he did was one other thing 


which he wanted to do. He offered England 
a plan to secure all the strategical advantages of 
making cotton contraband while avoiding all the 
inconveniences which attended and for a long time 
effectually prevented that course. For the first 
twelve months of the war, German textile machinery 
ran without interruption. Though this was felt 
to be the very negation of our supremacy at sea, 
the Government considered itself unable to risk the 
results on neutral opinion which would have been 
taken by declaring cotton contraband of war. The 
German cotton mills accordingly continued to run. 
and it was not until scientific evidence was produced 
and made public as to the double life which cotton 
lives in this world the Jekyll of towels and sheetings 
and the Hyde of propulsive explosives that the 
English Government considered itself to have a 
case on which it could act without the risk of com- 
plications. Sir Charles Macara presided at a great 
meeting at the Queen's Hall, London, in August, 
1915. He concluded his speech in the following 
words : 

" Allow me to quote from an article which I con- 
tributed to the September (1914) number of the 



" Financial Review of Reviews," which was sent 
to the members of the Cabinet, and was widely 
circulated and quoted from." In that article I 
wrote : 

" I will assume that we do neither unexpectedly 
well nor unexpectedly ill, but continue making 
steady progress, suffering checks perhaps from 
time to time, but on the whole maintaining and 
consolidating our mastery of the sea. On this 
assumption the outlook, although serious, can, 
in my opinion, be faced with equanimity if only 
the various interests affected industrial, com- 
mercial, financial, scientific, transport, and labour 
assisted by the Government, present a united 
front to the common danger. 

" The great increase of population during the 
period that has elapsed since the Franco-German 
war, the enormous development of industry and 
commerce, and the intricacies of international 
finance, are factors which I think cannot have 
been fully realised by those who are responsible 
for bringing about the clash of arms on the 
gigantic scale of modern warfare. Not only have 

these millions of armed men to be fed and other- 


wise provided for, but perhaps the more difficult 
task is the provision for the many millions who 
are as a consequence of the war deprived of work 
and the means of livelihood. Any nation engaged 
in the present conflict that does not prepare to face 
both these contingencies is courting disaster. . . . 
I am more convinced than ever that interference 
with the supply of food and clothing will be the 
prime factor in bringing the present colossal war 
to an end." 

" Speaking now, after twelve months' experience 
of the war, I feel it is an absolute necessity that well- 
considered, strong measures must be carried out 
which will have the effect of preventing cotton 
reaching enemy countries, while, at the same time, 
acting fairly in the interests of neutral countries, 
and safeguarding the future welfare of a great inter- 
national industry." 

Sir William Ramsay, the eminent scientist, at this 
meeting testified to what he knew about cotton, and 
a resolution 1 was carried unanimously calling 

1. " That His Majesty's Prime Minister 'be informed that in the 
opinion of this meeting the protection of the interests of the 
Empire and its Allies would be best secured by an immediate 
declaration that Cotton is Contraband of War, and that the neces- 
sary steps should be taken to protect the interests of neutrals, 
both growers and consumers." 



on the Government to make it absolute contra- 
band of war. Shortly afterwards this was done, 
and the textile mills in Germany and Austria began 
to close down. 

But this was not and never had been Sir Charles 
Macara's way. His plan constructed more than it 
destroyed. It contemplated at once the discomfiture 
of Germany and Austria, and the edification, outside 
these countries, of the whole trade of growing and 
spinning cotton. The plan depended on the 
existence of certain statistics tabulated by the 
International Cotton Federation, and disclosing 
where and in what quantities the world's cotton 
supply was grown ; where and in what quanti- 
ties it was consumed. This great statistical 
structure was not yet complete, but it had 
advanced sufficiently to indicate precisely the 
normal consumption of raw cotton by each neutral 
country, and it was the beginning of the plan that 
each neutral country should be rationed with its own 
average consumption on its own showing. 

The beginning, but not the end ! Still more 
to the point, the figures collected by the Inter- 
national Federation disclosed the amount of 

1 66 


raw cotton which had been normally used by 
Germany and Austria. Sir Charles Macara 
perceived that the sudden death of this great 
consuming appetite would react violently on the 
economics of the trade, causing firstly a sharp fall 
in prices, which would probably be followed, as the 
acreage under cotton was reduced, by an equally 
sharp rise. These things happened as he had 
predicted, in their order, and in September, 1916, 
cotton, which had, at the outbreak of war, fallen 
from 7^d. to 4d. per pound, was selling at tenpence t 
and in 1917 at considerably over double that price- 
It was the second and more constructive part of 
his plan that the cotton normally grown and shipped 
for the use of the German and Austrian trades 
should still be grown, but should be used to form a 
cotton reserve. Raw cotton, when properly packed, 
is storable for years. The plan was to store this 
portion of the supply ; to steady the market during 
the period of the war, and perhaps to learn from 
the war a lesson which would prove fruitful even 
in the days of peace, the greatest need of the cotton 
trade being some plan by which the good harvest 

of one year may be set against the bad harvest of 



another. Sir Charles Macara pressed the plan upon 
the Government early in the war. It is possible to 
speculate how far, by multiplying the immediate 
embarrassments of the German people, it might have 
helped to shorten the agonies of Europe. But it 
was not adopted, and the speculation is now vain. 

In the taking of the National Register he 
had more of his own way. Faced with the 
problem of raising an enormous new army, the 
English Government proceeded to raise it by the true 
English method of "muddling through," the delicate 
considerations which properly arose of a man's 
training and temperament and his proper function 
in the State whether of arms in the field, or indus- 
try and perhaps invention in the workshop being 
settled much as a bull takes its decisions among the 
valuables in a china shop. The sea was not so 
much netted for men as dredged. Some who 
ought to have gone stayed at home ; many whose 
duty was at home went, and no thought 
whatever was spared for industries which, walking 
in the paths of peace and fabricating neither shot 
nor shell, suddenly became belligerent as maintain- 
ing England's exports, and, with her exports, her 



credit abroad. In order that the fishing might be 
equipped with a mesh that would take the suitable 
life and release that which was unsuitable, Sir 
Charles Macara came forward in May, 1915, with a 
scheme for national registration, by which England 
was to look into herself, weigh, and, having 
weighed, analyse her human resources, and thus 
spend her strength on some intelligible plan. 

The scheme was taken as the basis of the National 
Registration Bill afterwards introduced and carried 
by Mr. Walter Long, the President of the 
Local Government Board. There remained the im- 
portant work of taking the register. Had it been 
decided on a little later in our war history there can 
be little doubt that a towering and expensive 
department would have been created ad hoc. The 
orgy of departmentalisation which was afterwards 
to cover most of Whitehall with the pavilions of 
vain repetition, and to turn thousands of visitors 
to London out of their bedrooms to make space for 
batteries of new typewriters, had not yet set in. Sir 
Charles Macara proposed nothing more fanciful 
than that the two thousand municipalities, already 

in full working order, each one knowing- its own 



district and its own people, should take the register. 
Though he had stipulated himself against serving 
on Committees one of the most ingenious ways 
of wasting time known to self -deceiving man he 
consented, at Mr. Long's request, to join the small 
committee which was formed to superintend the 
process. The municipalities were accordingly set 
to work on a definite plan of operations ; voluntary 
workers in each district gave a few evenings to the 
work, and the register was taken quickly, smoothly 
and without fuss. Some twenty-seven million forms 
went out and came back, and the work was finished 
before the country quite realised that it had begun. 1 
During the South African War he had thought out 
and offered to the country a scheme to provide for 
the dependents of men killed or incapacitated. The 
Prince of Wales was to have been at the head 
of the scheme and the Lords Lieutenant and the 
heads of the municipalities were to have been called 
in to operate it. All the branches were to have been 
associated with one central fund, with collection 
and distribution on a fixed plan to prevent over- 

i. Vide press and the use of the nation's man power, as 
outlined by Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister of National Service. 



lapping. This scheme, which, by this time, had 
passed beyond the experimental stage, having been 
successfully used in connection with the Lancashire 
Indian Famine Funds 1897 and 1900, was again 
submitted when the Prince of Wales' Fund was 
started in the early days of the European War, and 
many authorities regretted that it was not the one 
on which the country acted. 

In the early part of 1915 Sir Charles Macara was 
requested to organise the supply of aircraft cloth for 
the Admiralty, a work which required not only a wide 
knowledge of the textile trade, but the highest 
technicalexpertness. For the management in detail of 
this responsible work he was asked to select his own 
assistants, who were given rank in the Royal Naval 
Volunteer Reserve, and very soon a new depart- 
ment was in perfect working order. It seemed 
obvious that the agency which was providing cloth 
for the naval air service should provide it for the 
sister service of the army. It would have been a 
simple case of more steam from the same boiler. 
Sir Charles Macara accordingly suggested that air- 
craft cloth should be collected by a single department 

and distributed by this department among all the 



aircraft services of England and the Allies. The 
Government preferred, however, the system of biting 
twice at the same cherry, and the suggestion was 
not adopted. 

A further war service rendered by Sir Charles 
Macara took the form of an important intervention 
between the Government and the large Lancashire 
firms of textile machinists in regard to the terms 
for the manufacture of munitions. The Govern- 
ment terms were regarded as thoroughly unsatis- 
factory. They were modified as the result of this 
intervention and firms employing some 50,000 men 
fell at once into line. 

It was Sir Charles Macara's complaint against 
the general war administration of England that it 
was hydrocephalic ; that the head developed at the 
expense of the members. To him the mobilisation 
of England presented itself not as a case for new 
mechanism, but for more steam from the old. 
More and more, as time went on, Whitehall seemed 
to be exactly reversing the terms of the proposition 
as thus stated, the signs being the growth of new 
departments like the growth of mushrooms, the 



creation of a great sacred college of controllers, the 
multiplication of Parliamentary Secretaries, Under 
Secretaries, and nondescript Secretaries, until they 
constituted an impressive public meeting in them- 
selves, and the approach by rapid strides of the time 
when everybody was to live by taking in everybody 
else's washing. Much of the machinery thus 
created, notably the machinery for organising 
national service, raced prodigiously, but never 
gripped ; the screws revolved, but not in the water. 
Sir Charles Macara had got the National Register 
out of the well-oiled wheels of the English munici- 
palities, and, on the same principle, he pointed out 
constantly in the press that England abounded in 
organisations, each one more or less perfect in its 
own drill, and only needing the order to march and 
quicken the pace. Labour was organised ; capital 
also ; labour and capital were organised together in 
the Industrial Council. Finance, transport and 
science, each one of these, like labour and capital, 
was a corporate personality capable of being fetched. 
It was his plan to fetch them. Very largely rejected 
in England, the following advice was, at the request 
of the American press, forwarded to the United 


States for publication in the event of that country 

declaring war : 

" My advice to America is rather use the 
organisations already existing in the framework 
of peace, than attempt to create new ones. One 
of the bodies we should have used for this purpose 
here was the Industrial Council. It consisted of 
the trusted leaders of capital and labour; it was 
already a working mechanism, and capable, 
therefore, of dealing powerfully and promptly 
with the great questions of employment that 
arise with the outbreak of a war. In the 
same way I suggested that the municipalities 
should take and tabulate the National Register, 
and the speed, precision and economy with which 
that work was done, proved the soundness of 
the plan. By giving definite instructions to 
our two thousand municipalities, it was just as 
easy to organise the whole country as to organise 
one city. 

" In other particulars the English Government 
has failed to take this advice. New departments 
have been created at a speed and on a scale that 
has begun, in these later days of war, to cause 
great alarm to the business minds of the com- 
munity. During recent months especially, every 
week has seen some great public building or 


hotel cleared for the accommodation of some new 
department of state, which proceeds first to get 
itself into working order, and then after an 
interval to get to work. Such departments are a 
hindrance rather than a help in time of war, and 
will be a serious embarrassment in times of peace. 
" In every highly developed civilisation, almost 
every great interest will be found to be already 
organised. Labour, capital, finance, transporta- 
tion, science, each of these organisations should 
be put on a war footing and called on for its 
special war work. When this has been done, all 
of them should be knit into one strong and sensi- 
tive entity, and the whole nation will thus be 
efficiently at war. To employ the tried brain, 
and the well-oiled wheels, is my advice to America. 
The war has definitely proved the commercial 
and industrial adaptability of women. But they 
would have done much more here if there had 
been proper organisation when the great migra- 
tion of women into commerce and industry began. 
The rush was not anticipated nor directed. 
Women were allowed to drift into occupations 
largely as they liked, a state of things not at all 
necessary, seeing that in the National Register 
the country had an inventory of its woman 



" It is on the necessity for national organisation 
that I would insist first and last not organisation 
for the sake of organisation, but for the sake of 
work. Accordingly, I earnestly counsel you, at 
the end, as at the beginning, to make full use 
of the means which your country has ready for 
use and nearest to hand. My experience has 
always been that in great movements the best 
work is done with the aid of a small but efficient 

" The great staple industries can only be dealt 
with by the organisations of capital and labour, 
although minor industries might be dealt with by 
the municipalities. It is only those who have 
had to deal with strikes and lockouts in great 
industries who can understand how to deal with 
these industries in emergencies. I have never 
tired of telling England that ordering of industry 
is a part of the vital strategy of war. In other 
words, I would plead with your government to let 
its business men organise the nation's industries 
on a national scale. And I would plead with 
business men, at the same time, to offer their 
services freely to the state at the outset, and not 
when heavy losses have been incurred. The 
business men can carry the nation to undreamed 
of triumphs; but they must take the reins 



Rest in Change 
of Work 

Lifeboat Saturday, etc. 



IT was in 1884 that Charles Macara took a 
house at St. Anne's-on-the-Sea, on the bluff and 
beaten Lancashire coast. St. Anne's-on-the-Sea was 
not in 1884 the polite and polished esplanade which 
it has since become, but a weather-beaten, hard- 
bitten little town, with the sand in its eyes and the 
sting of flying spray on its face, with the star-grass 
like a crop of needles in the drifts, and a parliament 
of blue-jerseyed senators who looked out to the west 
and considered the weather. Thirteen of them 
afterwards immortalised themselves. Born almost 
within the sound of the sea, he quickly formed 
a fast friendship with this breed of Lancashire 
fishermen, and the friendship of Sir Charles 
Macara with the men as they went and came, 
and of Lady Macara with the women, who neither 
went nor came, but only waited was destined to 
have great results on the lives of all who live 
in small cottages and dry their nets on the verge 

of great waters. Sir Charles Macara, then in 



the full course of his commercial career, went to 
St. Anne's-on-the-Sea to escape from life, and 
instead of escaping it he found it. He chose the 
place as a retreat, and it gave him, not a retreat, 
but publicity, a cause, a mission, a baptism in public 
service, and one of the severest labours of a severe 

Very soon after his arrival in St. Anne's-on-the- 
Sea he began to take part in the practices of the life- 
boat, and out of the brotherhood which he thus 
formed with the crew arose "Lifeboat Saturday," 
and a great opening of the eyes and heart of 
England. But not until after the awful events of 
December, 1886. On a stormy afternoon early 
in that month, five men, the crew of a small steamer 
from Montrose, were seen from the shore at St. 
Anne's clinging to the mast of the vessel which 
had gone aground on Salter's Bank. The 
lifeboat put out to the rescue, and after many hours 
of labour and peril returned with its treasure. The 
coxswain and sub-coxswain of the lifeboat were 
taken to Sir Charles Macara's house, and from there 
they told their modest story by telephone to the 

newspapers in Manchester. Five nights later, and 



in the gathered fury of the same gale, the lifeboat 

was called out again. The German barque ' Mexico,' 

bound from Hamburg to Liverpool, was aground on 

the treacherous Horse Bank, in the estuary of the 

Ribble. The lifeboat crews of Lytham, Southport 

and St. Anne's went to the rescue. The St. Anne's 

men, fresh from their recent triumph on Salter's 

Bank, were in high spirits, though Charles Tims, 

the sub-coxswain, a fisherman of great bravery, 

and a famous man on that coast, seemed to hear 

in the gale a voice which he had not heard before. 

The boat never came back. Its single light was 

swallowed up in victory, and only an unintelligible 

rocket now and then out of the welter of the night 

told the watchers on the shore that there was still 

life, but of whom and how faring, no one knew. At 

dawn the wives of the lifeboat men gathered at 

Sir Charles Macara's house. There was still no 

news, but when the morning was a little spent 

a lifeboat was seen struggling towards the shore. 

It was the Lytham boat, which had rescued the crew 

of the ' Mexico.' A horseman rode into the sea to 

meet her, and it was he who scattered the suspense 

and spread desolation in its place. The Southport 



boat and the boat from St. Anne's had both 
capsized. Of the Southport crew two were cast up 
alive. Not a man of the St. Anne's crew returned. 
The wives and children they had left looked up 
into the faces of Sir Charles and Lady Macara, and 
they did not look up in vain. They were friends 
at court. All England and all Europe was 
made to ring with the doings of that night. 
In less than a fortnight ,33,000 was collected for 
the relief of the widows and the fatherless, and their 
future being made secure, the memory of the 
thirteen lost heroes was saved to future ages in the 
chiselled figure which looks out to sea from the 
beach at St. Anne's. 

It was this event which caused Sir Charles Macara 
to look closely into lifeboat politics and finance. 
Examining the 1890 report of the Royal National 
Lifeboat Institution, the only agency of its kind for 
saving life at sea, he found that some 25,000 people 
only out of our many-millioned island race were 
contributing, either by large gifts or small, to its 
income, which in that year was startlingly below its 
expenditure. Accordingly, in 1891, being already, as 

one of the organisers of the Lifeboat Disaster Fund, 




in possession of the ear of the country on this subject, 
he made a strong appeal l to the British public to 
come to the rescue of the National Institution. 
Great newspapers passed the word along, and the 
response was satisfactory. 

But not satisfactory enough. Sir Charles 
Macara felt that this was a cause which every 
man could be made to understand, and that its 
public was not only of those who made solemn 
bequests in stately wills and testaments, but of the 
much larger body which rattled a week's wages in 

i. "I think the British publics generally have very little idea 
that one of the noblest of the numerous philanthropic institutions 
in the country is in dire financial straits. The record of the Royal 
National Life-boat Institution since its formation is one of which 
the nation is justly proud, as by its instrumentality over 35,000 
lives have been saved at sea, and the many deeds of heroism which 
have been chronicled in connection with its operations are the 
envy of the whole civilised world. Having a seaside residence on 
one of the most dangerous parts of the Lancashire coast, I have 
had opportunities of witnessing the conspicuous gallantry of our 
Lifeboat men that do not fall to the lot of many. It has also been 
my painful experience to be prominently associated with the most 
terrible disaster that ever befel the Lifeboat service, when the 
whole of the St. Anne's crew were swept away, and all but two 
of the brave men who manned the Southport boat returned no 
more. The great power of the Press was never better illustrated 
than on that memorable occasion, as, mainly by the pathetic 
appeals that were made through it, considerably over ^30,000 was 
raised for the widows and children of the drowned men. The 
late German Emperor, William I., was so much touched with this 
disaster that he sent ^250 for distribution amongst the bereaved. 
Such a magnificent result has emboldened me to appeal once more 
by the same means to the public on behalf of this great national 
institution, which is sorely in need of funds. The deficit last year 
assumed alarming proportions, and unless the country is roused 
to supply the necessary means, the Institution's operations will be 
very seriously curtailed." JULY 23RD, 1891. 



its pockets. It was to get at the small change 
and the coppers of the country that he 
originated " Lifeboat Saturday." l Manchester, the 
harassed mother of all new causes, was the scene of 
the first experiment in the October of 1891. For 
two days before the appointed Saturday, two life- 
boats with their crews reserve lifeboats and reserve 
crews, but still the genuine article were dragged 
through Manchester and Salford to create the right 
atmosphere. The appointed day was processional, 
and culminated in the launching of the lifeboats at 
Belle Vue Gardens in the presence of 30,000 
spectators. The fullest advantage was taken of 
Sir Charles Macara's organisation for collecting 
subscriptions and donations, and the city was 
dredged of its spare cash ; money was shaken from 
upper window-sills and from the tops of tramcars, 
and at the end of the day Manchester and Salford, 

i. In an article entitled " The Life-boat Saturday Movement 
Rapidly Developing," published in " The Life-boat Journal " of 
the Royal National Life-boat Institution on August ist, 1894, 
the following reference was made to the work of the originator 
of the Fund : " We cannot but specially mention Mr. and 
Mrs. Macara, both of whom have thrown themselves heart and 
soul into the work, and have done wonders in developing the 
Lifeboat Saturday and Ladies' Committee movements, of which 
they were respectively the originators." 



which had been contributing 200 per annum to 
the saving of life at sea, had given ,5,500. 

"Lifeboat Saturday" spread. By the end 
of 1893 it had become a feature of English 
life. It raised the annual average income of 
the Royal National Lifeboat Institution directly 
and indirectly by ,40,000, thereby making it possible 
to increase the remuneration of the lifeboatmen. 
Incidentally it revolutionised the methods of collect- 
ing money in England. It brought charity into the 
streets and the streets into charity. As the first of 
many consecrated "Saturdays," it was the beginning 
of a great humanization of the common life by 
the breath of generous causes. For some five 
years, though his public responsibilities in 
the cotton trade were becoming greater each year, 
Sir Charles Macara bore the main burden of the 
Lifeboat Saturday Organisation, retiring from the 
work finally in 1896 when he dissented strongly 
from the removal of its headquarters from Manchester 
to London until a scheme of organisation which he 
had been perfecting was in order. He continued, 
however, and still continues, to be, Chairman of 
the St. Anne's-on-the-Sea Branch of the Lifeboat 



Institution taking a practical interest in the work- 
and a friend of all sailors' societies, particularly 
the British and Foreign Sailors' Society, 1 which had 
assisted him in the working of the Lifeboat Saturday 
Fund. 2 

In all the work on behalf of the Lifeboat Sir 
Charles had the untiring help of his wife. It 
was Lady Macara who, in 1892, formed the first 
of those Ladies' Auxiliary Committees which, 
designed to further the cause on the higher social 
levels were found indispensable in every town 
which started a Lifeboat Saturday. Lady Macara 
became the Honorary Secretary of the first com- 
mittee of the kind set up in Manchester. In the 

service of the Lifeboat her assistance to her husband 

was active, and was given with voice and pen, but 
all the great work of Sir Charles Macara's life in 
the fields of industry and commerce was submitted 
to her judgment, and step by step, and stage by 
stage, had her understanding and assent. 

1. Vide Appendix H. p. 324. 

2. Guided by the experience gained from lifeboat work, Sir 
Charles Macara took a leading part in the organisation of the 
Lancashire Indian Famine Funds of 1897 and 1900, by which 
large sums were sent to India. The contributions were drawn 
not only from Lancashire mill-owners and merchants, but from 
the workpeople. Notwithstanding the claims made upon society 
by the South African War, the amount subscribed for the Indian 
Famine Fund of 1900 was almost as large as that contributed in 

1 86 


The home which grew up around them was 
warmed and illuminated by public spirit and in- 
vigorated by public duty. William C. Macara, 
Sir Charles Macara's only son, is second in com- 
mand in the management of the house of Banner- 
man, and takes his share in public duty in Man- 
chester as the honorary secretary of the Home Trade 
Association, which embraces in its membership all 
the well-known home trade firms. All Sir Charles 
Macara's daughters belong to that new efflorescence 
of womanhood which insists on its right to be useful 
and to serve the world. To gratify the taste of his 
four daughters, who all took high diplomas in 
agricultural and horticultural subjects, he took a 
model farm in Herefordshire, where they put their 
training into practice. Soon after the beginning of 
the war an exceedingly important and successful 
social experiment was inaugurated in another part 
of the country by one of them, in training women 
for work upon the land. 1 Another daughter, after 
the outbreak of the war, was able to undertake 
duties in her father's business in Manchester, where 
it became necessary to employ a large number of 

i. Vide Appendix G. p. 321. 



women to replace men who had joined the colours. 


The past of Lancashire is a brilliant achievement 
of energy and of thought. Her future is at the 
moment uncertain, and some think it is definitely 
dark. A community which buys from one hemi- 
sphere of earth and sells to the other her interests 
are on far horizons, involved in the shifting sands 
of world politics. A new Europe has to arise out 
of ruins, and a new creed may actuate the govern- 
ment of England in which there will be no room 
for full economic Lancashire. Much of fashionable 
society, and a whole school of statesmanship 
momentarily exalted at once by the passions and 
the necessities of war, hate the gospel for which 
Lancashire has stood in history, and by virtue of 
which she still draws the full breath of life. Hitherto 
she has not lacked men, each generation serving 
her according as the true service was more liberty 
or more law. And few, even of her own born sons, 
have loved her better, and served her more practi- 
cally, or helped her over a longer and more critical 
span of time than Charles Macara, whom she took 
to herself in his youth and brought up for her own. 






The use of cotton in its various forms is, in the 
present day, so universal that very few ever trouble 
to enquire into its origin and history, yet the story 
of cotton from the earliest times in which any record 
of it can be found is an intensely interesting one. 
The earliest mention of it that can be traced is in the 
form of a fable in which the cotton plant as a 
vegetable lamb existed in western Asia. We learn 
that at a time very obscure in its remoteness, the 
cotton plant or tree grew in a country then known as 
Scythia or Tartary, and that the inhabitants appear 
to have made use of the fleecy fibres to weave 
materials for clothing. The knowledge of this 
remarkable vegetable product gradually spread to 
regions where the wonderful plant was unknown, 
but in travelling a great deal of fiction was added 
to fact, the result being that many strange stories 
were spread abroad, all of them identical in one 
feature, but with variations of detail. It was always 
a lamb that grew on a tree, but there were differences 

1. A paper prepared at the request of the Belgian Government, 
and delivered at the Ghent Exhibition, 1913. Beprinted from 
the " Revue Economique Internationale," Brussels, July 1913. 



in the way in which it presented itself. In one form 
of the fable we have " a tree bearing fruit or seed 
pods, which, when they ripened and burst open, 
were seen to contain little lambs, of whose soft white 
fleeces eastern people wove material for their 

Passing from the region of fable to that of more 
or less clearly ascertained fact, there can be no doubt 
that cotton as first made known to us in Europe, 
was a product which had gradually made its way 
hither from Western Asia, where the plant was 
indigenous. The peoples of the world have always 
in the first instance provided themselves with cloth- 
ing from the raw materials most ready to their 
hands, and while in other countries these took the 
forms of flax, wool, hair, or silk, certain Asiatic 
populations were availing themselves of the plant 
whose fleecy fibres were finer than those of wool. 
At what period these cotton cultivating Asiatics first 
learnt to spin and weave their vegetable wool it is 
impossible to say, but in the sacred books of India 
there is evidence to show that cotton was in use 
eight centuries before the Christian era. Herodotus, 
the father of history, who wrote about the year 
445 B.C., is the first to mention cotton in its oriental 
use. Writing of India, he says : " They possess 
likewise a kind of plant which, instead of fruit, 
produces wool of a finer and better quality than 
that of sheep ; of this the Indians make their 
clothes." That civilisation reached a very high 
standard among the Hindus seems undoubted ; onlj 
the other day Dr. C. Muthu, physician, Mendip 



Hills Sanatorium, Wells, England, speaking before 
the Royal Society of Medicine, said the Hindu 
civilisation was the most ancient in the world. 
Their literature dates back to about 40006.0. 
Their medicine is as old as their civilisation. They 
excelled in materia medica, and chemistry ; they 
were amongst the first to practice the dissection of 
the human body. Many centuries ago they under- 
stood the germ theory, circulation of the blood, and 
inoculation for smallpox. Their treatment of leprosy 
was most efficacious, and their treatment of snake 
bites astonished Alexander the Great. Their surgery 
was bold and skilful, they set bones, performed 
internal operations, trephined the skull, and gave 
anaesthetics in serious operations. Surely those who 
have travelled extensively in ancient countries must 
have come to the conclusion that there is nothing 
new under the sun ! But to return to our subject, 
when Alexander the Great had become master of 
Persia, he pushed forward his conquering forces to 
that part of Northern India known to us as the 
Punjaub, and being compelled to return to Persia 
he proceeded by descending the Indus to the sea. 
As an outcome of this a good deal of information 
was collected and given to the world in a written 
form. The Admiral who brought the fleet down 
the river reported that " there were in India trees 
bearing, as it were, flocks, or bunches of wool, and 
that the natives made of this wool garments of 
surpassing whiteness." Coming down to a later 
period we find mention about the year 25 A.D. of 
the progress of cotton cultivation as far westward 


as the Persian Gulf, but as late as A.D. 1203 the 
Egyptians grew cotton only as an ornamental plant 
in their gardens, and up to the beginning of the 
seventeenth century they were importers and not 
cultivators of cotton. 

So far it has been with the cotton plant of the 
eastern world with which we have dealt, and for 
many centuries of the Christian era none other was 
known to what is called the old world, but in 1492, 
when Columbus sailed westward in search of a 
sea passage to India and first reached land, the 
natives who came out in their canoes to meet his 
ships brought with them skeins of cotton yarn and 
thread for exchange. On proceeding further, to 
Cuba, he found the inhabitants clad in cotton cloth. 
It was also found that the Mexicans were a people 
who relied chiefly upon cotton clothing, having 
" neither flax, nor silk, or wool of sheep." The 
Greeks are said to have been acquainted with Indian 
calicoes two centuries before the Christian era, and 
the Romans a century later, but as late as the 
thirteenth century it was only as candlewick that we 
find it used in England, and there is no mention of 
its manufacture there until 1641. 


Cotton is the most important of the vegetable 
fibres in the world, consisting of cellular hairs 
attached to the seeds of various species of plants 
belonging to the Mallow order, and has been culti- 
vated from time immemorial. It is now found 
widely distributed throughout the tropical and 
sub-tropical regions of both hemispheres, South 



America, the West Indies, tropical Africa, and 
Southern Asia are the homes of various members of 
the family, but the plants have been introduced with 
success into other lands, as is well indicated by the 
fact that, although no species is native to the 
United States of America, that country now pro- 
duces five-eighths of the world's supply of cotton. 
This consideration should be an incentive to the 
extension of cotton growing in any part of the world 
where it can be carried on successfully. Under 
normal conditions in warm climates many of the 
species are perennial, but in the United States, for 
example, climatic conditions necessitate the plants 
being renewed annually, and even in the tropics it 
is often found advisable to treat them as annuals 
to ensure the production of cotton of the best 
quality, to facilitate cultural operations, and to keep 
insect and fungoid pests in check. As the plant 
advances towards maturity the hairs are flattened 
and twisted, which is of great economic importance, 
the natural twist facilitating the operation of 
spinning the fibres into thread or yarn. Cotton 
requires for its development six or seven months of 
favourable weather. It thrives in a warm atmosphere, 
even in a very hot one provided that it is moist. In 
about eight days to a fortnight after sowing the 
plant shows itself above ground, and shortly after- 
wards cultivation of the plant commences. As it 
grows it throws out flower stalks, at the end of each 
of which a flower bud develops. The blossom differs 
in colour in different kinds of the plant. In some, 
like that of the Sea Islands, it is pale yellow, but 


in others of the American kind it changes consider- 
ably, being first straw colour, then white, and after- 
wards pink ; in two or three days the bloom is gone 
and a capsule appears, called a boll. Within this 
boll are cells, sometimes three, as in Egyptian, and 
in other four, as in American. This boll increases 
until it is about the size of a filbert, the outer case 
gradually becoming brown and hard, until at last 
it bursts into sections and is seen to contain in each 
cell a quantity of tufted cotton wool which is found 
to be growing around and attached separately to 
each seed contained in the boll. During the grow- 
ing time the cotton plant encounters many risks 
arising from drought, excessive rain, or insect pests. 
Some idea of the enormous damage wrought by the 
attacks of these insect pests alone may be gathered 
from the fact that a low estimate made a few years 
ago placed the loss due to this cause in the United 
States at the astonishing figure of ;i 2,000,000 
annually. Stringent measures are being taken to 
try and combat this pest. When the harvest time 
arrives and the white fleeces are ready to drop from 
the bolls the cotton must be picked, which is done by 
hand. A picker can pick from loolbs. to 200 Ibs. of 
seed cotton in a day. This operation is the most 
expensive in cotton production. The work is light, 
and can be effectually done by women and children, 
as well as men, but is tedious, and requires care. 
The plant continues to produce blooms as the 
earliest-formed bolls are ripening, so that it bears at 
the same time flowers and ripe bolls, and this 
necessitates the fields being picked over three times. 



The loss from careless work is very serious. The 
cotton falls easily or is dropped ; the careless gather- 
ing of dead leaves and twigs, and the soiling of the 
cotton by the earth or by the natural colouring 
matter from the bolls injure the quality. Great 
efforts have been made to devise picking machines, 
but as yet complete success have not been attained. 
There is little doubt that an efficient machine will 
ultimately be perfected, and this would probably 
lead to a great development of the cotton growing 
industry. One of the greatest difficulties the planter 
has to face at present is the insufficiency of labour 
at the picking season. This consideration always 
weighs with him in deciding the amount of cotton 
he is to sow. As the picking goes on the cotton 
gathered is taken to the ginneries where the fibre is 
separated from the seed. Up till 1870, or there- 
abouts, the cotton seed left over from what had to 
be saved for the next year's sowing, was regarded as 
a positive nuisance upon the American plantations. 
It was left to accumulate in vast heaps about the 
ginhouses to the annoyance of the farmer and injury 
to his premises. Cotton seed in those days was the 
object of so much aversion that the planters, after 
using a certain amount as manure, burned it or 
threw it into running streams as was most con- 
venient. Now, the products of cotton seed have 
become important elements in the national industry 
of the United States. The main product is the 
refined oil. The residue after the oil is extracted is 
manufactured into cotton seed cake, or meal, and 
forms one of the most valuable feeding stuffs for 



cattle. But this does not exhaust its possibilities. 
Cotton seed hulls constitute about half the weight 
of the ginned seed. These hulls were found to be 
an excellent substitute for hay, no other feed being 
required, the only provision necessary being an 
adequate supply of water and an occasional allow- 
ance of salt. Many thousands of cattle are fattened 
annually in Memphis, New Orleans, Houstan, etc., 
in this way at a remarkably low cost. ' The seed is 
far heavier than the cotton, and experience shows 
that 1,000 Ibs. of seed are produced for every 500 Ibs. 
of cotton brought to market. When the cotton 
leaves the ginning press it is in a very loose 
condition and has to be compressed into bales for 
convenience of export, large bale presses being 
worked by hydraulic power. Bales from different 
countries vary greatly in size, weight, and appear- 
ance, the American bale weighing 500 Ibs., the 
Egyptian 700 Ibs., and the East Indian 400 Ibs., 
some being as low as 200 Ibs. After being graded 
and further pressed the cotton bale is ready for 
export to the various countries where it is spun and 
manufactured into cotton goods of an infinite variety. 


One of the most notable features of the cotton 
industry is the remarkable development that has 
taken place in comparatively recent years. We 
have seen that its use has been known in India 
from time immemorial, and in various other eastern 
countries for many centuries, but it is impossible to 
ascertain with certainty the first beginnings of the 



trade in Europe. It existed in Spain in the tenth 
century, and no doubt quite as early in Italy and 
Greece. The first recorded import of cotton into 
England was in the thirteenth century, and quite as 
early imports took place into France through 
Marseilles. The first mention of the industry in 
connection with Germany, Holland and Switzerland 
was in the sixteenth century, and in Russia in the 
eighteenth. The first piece of British-made calico 
that is, a fabric made entirely of cotton, was 
produced in 1783 ; prior to that date cotton yarn was 
used only for weft, the warp being supplied by flax 
or wool. The inventions in 1738 of Kay's "fly 
shuttle," in 1 764 of Hargreaves' "spinning jenny," 
in 1769 of Arkwright's "water-frame," and in 1770 
of Crompton's " mule," resulted in the industry 
advancing in England by leaps and bounds, followed 
very soon by a similar advance in other European 
countries. This development has gone on until now 
the world's cotton spinning spindles number about 
142,000,000, of which Great Britain possesses over 
one-third, the remainder being distributed among 
the other twenty-one cotton manufacturing countries. 
The weaving branch of the industry has also 
increased correspondingly, with the result that at the 
present day cotton forms much the largest and 
cheapest portion of the clothing of the people of the 
world, and its manufactures include all grades of 
material from heavy coarse sailcloth to the finest 


WEST INDIES. At the close of the eighteenth 




century the West Indies supplied 70 per cent, of the 
cotton imported into Great Britain, but owing to the 
competition occasioned by the rapid expansion of 
its culture in the Southern States of America, the 
imports gradually decreased, the plantars rinding it 
more profitable to employ their labour and capital 
in the production of sugar and other articles. 
During the American War there was an increase in 
the number of bales imported from the West Indies, 
but after the close of the war the import rapidly fell 
away. It is, however, again increasing. 

EGYPT. After the West Indies the chief supply 
a century ago came from the countries bordering on 
the Mediterranean, Asia Minor, Cyprus, etc., which 
has been largely increased since 1820 by the develop- 
ment of cotton growing in Egypt. Egyptian cotton 
has certain characteristics which cause it to be in 
great demand. These special qualities are its 
fineness, strength, elasticity, and great natural twist, 
which, combined, enable it to be used for very fine, 
strong yarns suited to the manufacture of the better 
qualities of hosiery, for mixing with silk and wool, 
and for making lace. It also mercerises well a 
process by which cotton goods can be made to 
closely resemble silk in appearance. Nothing could 
be more conducive to the extension of cotton grow- 
ing iri Egypt and in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 
than the recent visits of various delegations to that 
country, the last one being under the auspices of the 
International Cotton Federation. The reports of 
these delegations which have been issued show the 
great possibilities of improving the quality and 



greatly increasing the cotton crop of North-East 
Africa. The information given in these reports has 
been specially valuable at a time when the British 
Government has under consideration the guarantee- 
ing of the interest on a loan of ,3,000,000, to be 
raised by the Sudanese Government for the develop- 
ment of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan a proposition 
which it is practically certain will be carried out. In 
his recent report on Egypt Lord Kitchener paid a 
high tribute to the value of the visit of the Inter- 
national Cotton Federation to that country. 

of cotton from the Southern States of America to 
England took place in 1784, and consisted of eight 
bags weighing about 1 2,000 Ibs. In 1793 Eli 
Whitney invented the saw-gin, a much improved 
machine for detaching the cotton fibre from the 
seeds, and the cultivation of the plant increased 
rapidly, but it took America ten years to produce 
a crop of 100,000 bales, and thirty-five years to reach 
1,000,000 bales. About thirty-five years ago the 
American crop was six and a half million bales, last 
year it had reached the vast total of 16,000,000 bales, 
so rapid has been the increase in more recent 
years. During this period there have been 
fluctuations in the crop of between two and three 
million bales, and the fluctuations in the price 
have been enormous. The American bale has been 
described in a standard American book on cotton as 
" the clumsiest, dirtiest, most expensive, and most 
wasteful package in which cotton or any other 
commodity of like value is anywhere put up." 



Suggestions for its improvement were made by the 
Lancashire Private Investigation Commission, which 
visited the Southern States of America in 1906, 
which, if carried out, together with the consequent 
reduction in the cost of transport, would, it is 
estimated, result in a monetary saving of millions of 
pounds sterling annually. President Roosevelt, in 
referring to this Commission and to the subsequent 
International delegation which visited the cotton 
growing States the following year, said, that a great 
awakening has taken place as regards the cultiva- 
tion and handling of cotton, and as a result reforms 
had been initiated. These reforms would probably 
have made much greater progress had they not been 
retarded by the opposition of trusts. Now, however, 
determined effort is on foot to prevent these organi- 
sations interfering with the legitimate development 
of trade, and it is fully expected that the movement 
for the improved handling and baling of the 
American cotton crop will ere long be much more in 

EAST INDIAN. There has also been an immense 
extension of the East Indian crop within the last few 
years, and it is now nearly half as large as the 
present average American crop. The Secretary of 
the International Cotton Federation, who recently 
has made two extensive tours in India, reports that 
in a comparatively few years the Indian crop might 
possibly be doubled. In India everything needful 
for this increase of cultivation exists, suitable land 
and climate, an immense poulation, and excellent 
means of transport. Possibly a more speedy increase 



might be obtained from India than any other 
country. Indian cotton as grown at present is not 
suitable for the goods so largely produced in 
Lancashire, but if the staple were improved this 
might be altered. If there were even a great exten- 
sion of the present quality of cotton it would be 
of advantage to the cotton using countries of the 
European continent where there might be a much 
larger consumption of it than at present. Sixty 
years ago the most beautifully fine muslins were 
exported from India made from cotton which must 
have been both spun and woven by hand and of 
necessity from a quality of cotton much superior 
to that at present grown there, but which has 
deteriorated so much that it would be quite impos- 
sible to produce such fine fabrics from the cotton 
now grown. There is very little doubt, however, 
that cotton of longer staple and better quality can 
be produced in India by careful seed selection and 
improved cultivation. 


The average cotton crop of the world may now be 
estimated at considerably over 20,000,000 bales of an 
average weight of 500 Ibs. each, or three times the 
quantity that was produced forty years ago, but still 
it is not enough for the world's ever-increasing 
requirements. It is of supreme importance that 
the supply of cotton should be increased, and it 
matters little from what country that supply comes 
so long as it is ample for the needs of the industry 
as a whole. The British Cotton Growing Associa- 



tion and similar Associations in the other European 
countries are all working to obtain these much- 
needed supplies from their colonies and dependen- 


It will readily be understood that an industry of 
such enormous dimensions and complexities, and 
employing in one way or another vast numbers of 
people, could not be carried on without conflicts 
between capital and labour. The disastrous results 
of these complications gradually led the way to 
combinations for self defence, first on the part of 
the workpeople by their Trade Unions, and more 
slowly of the employers with their Associations and 
Federations. In this way may be traced the first 
glimmerings of that sense of the need for co- 
operation and of the interdependence of the one 
upon the other upon which the whole welfare of 
the industry depends, a sense which is rapidly 
developing, as is evidenced by the extension of these 
amalgamations to International Federations which 
have more recently been formed again the work- 
people taking the lead. 

Towards the end of 1903, and in the early part of 
1904, the cotton industry of the world was brought 
face to face with a serious shortage of the raw 
material complicated by excessive speculation. It 
was strongly felt that this position could only be 
adequately met by general short-time working in 
mills in all parts of the world. The Swiss Associa- 
tion" of Cotton Spinners readily consented to act 
along with the English Federation as joint conveners 



of a Conference, and in May, 1904, the opening 
meeting was held at Zurich, delegated representatives 
of the principal countries engaged in the European 
cotton trade being present. After serious discussion 
of the problems which had arisen it was soon 
apparent that community of interest demanded the 
establishment of a permanent organisation. The 
following year a second International Conference 
was held at Manchester and Liverpool, at which the 
delegates formally adopted the proposals of the 
Committee appointed at Zurich for the establishment 
of an International Federation with its headquarters 
in Manchester, whose object should be "to watch 
over and protect the common interests of the 
industry, and to advise Associations of the action 
to be taken against any common danger." 

Other conferences of delegated representatives of 
the countries included in the International Federa- 
tion have since been held in Bremen, Vienna, Paris, 
Milan, Brussels, Barcelona, and at The Hague. 
The work of the, Employers' International Federa- 
tion has proved more than anything else the 
necessity for providing for the continued develop- 
ment of this industry through the increase of 
population, and also the march of civilisation, there 
still being a very large proportion of the inhabitants 
of the globe that are only partially clothed, or not 
clothed at all. The work of the International Cotton 
Federation has been of incalculable benefit from an 
educational point of view, indeed, it is difficult to 
realise how this industry could have been conducted, 
especially during recent years, without such an 



organisation. Its educational work has brought 
home most forcibly to all the absolute necessity for 
international co-operation, the interdependence of 
the nations of the world, and the hopelessness of 
conducting successfully international industry and 
commerce unless by the friendly co-operation of the 
peoples of the world. 

When the representatives of the cotton trade first 
met at Zurich many people thought such a Federa- 
tion an impossibility on account of the diverse 
interests of the various nations assembled, but not 
only have all cotton using countries now either 
joined the Federation or co-operate with it, but the 
same enthusiasm which was displayed at the first 
meeting still continues, and the greatest harmony 
has always prevailed. It has also been proved that 
the interests of all these nations with regard to the 
industry are the same so far as general principles 
are concerned, and that if the interests of one 
country suffer the interests of the others will also 
suffer more or less. 

The year after the International Cotton Federation 
was established another important organisation 
came into existence, the International Institute of 
Agriculture, which was initiated by the King of 
Italy on the recommendation of an American citizen, 
Mr. David Lubin. The world is greatly indebted to 
His Majesty for the bold initiative of summoning 
an International Conference for the purpose of 
founding this International Institute. The building 
in which the work is carried on is in Rome, and was 
erected at His Majesty's personal expense, and was 



formally opened in 1908. The Committee of the 
International Cotton Federation took an active 
interest in the Institute of Agriculture from its 
inception, and through its members did much to 
enlist the support of the Governments of the 
countries they represent in contributing to the 
annual cost of carrying on the work of the Institute. 
Its main purpose is to keep the world accurately 
informed of the condition of crops, in order that a 
deficiency in one quarter may be made good, and a 
surplus in another put to the best use. It has 
already been successful in issuing reliable statistics 
regarding the available supply of foodstuffs, and 
there is little doubt that in time it will be in a 
position to deal in the same manner with the raw 
materials of the textile industries. The International 
Cotton Federation has for some time collected and 
published statistics concerning the annual consump- 
tion of cotton and of the stocks of cotton in the 
hands of spinners, and in this way these two 
important international organisations work along 
similar lines, and a close bond of sympathy unites 
them in their work. Many notable receptions have 
been held by Heads of States in the countries where 
the annual meetings of the Federation, and meetings 
of the Committee have taken place. In addition to 
this numerous other important functions have also 
taken place ; one of the most notable of these was a 
luncheon given by the British Government, at the 
House of Commons, in 1910, representatives of the 
cotton trade of the world being present, and a 
quotation from the address, delivered on that 



occasion by Sir Edward Grey, who has rendered 
such invaluable services during the recent inter- 
national complications, forms a fitting conclusion to 
this paper. Sir Edward said : 

"The cotton industry is indeed one of the 
greatest industries in the world, great in size and 
importance. Great, I think, from whatever point 
of view you look at it. This Federation empha- 
sises, not competition, not rivalry, but great points 
of agreement which this industry has promoted. 
As an International Federation of Cotton Spinners 
and Manufacturers you are perhaps doing, or at 
least contributing to, a greater work than you 
know. Your immediate object is the prosperity 
of the cotton industry, but I would hope that the 
ultimate end to which your thoughts are tending 
is to make felt among the nations a greater sense 
of the interdependence of the nations upon each 
other. I believe financial circles are feeling that 
already, and when all those connected in 
industry feel that also, then I think we may agree 
that the peace of the world is being assured." 


AMERICA, igo;. 1 


Mr. C. W. MACARA : I am quite unable to give 
adequate expression to our appreciation of the mag- 
nificent hospitality we have received from the 
moment we landed on the shores of America, and 
I can assure you that we are all deeply touched by 
the cordiality of our reception in your splendid city 
of Atlanta. This Conference, in which we have 
a representation of the whole of the cotton users of 
the world, will take a prominent place in the history 
of the cotton trade. 

We Europeans have come here believing that by 
holding out the right hand of fellowship to the 
spinners and manufacturers of America and by 
joining with them in greeting the growers of our 
raw material much permanent good will result. 

The position I have had the honour to occupy 
for many years in connection with the English 
Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' Associa- 
tions, and, during recent years, in connection with 
the International Federation of Master Cotton 
Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations, has 
rendered it necessary for me, in conjunction with 
my colleagues on the Committees of these two 

1. Reprinted from the official report of the International 
Convention of Cotton Growers, Spinners and representatives of 
the Cotton Exchanges, held at Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A. 



organisations, to devote much careful attention to 
the solution of many difficult problems as they have 
arisen in connection with the carrying on of the 
cotton industry as a whole. The results accom- 
plished have been most encouraging ; and a perusal 
of the reports of the four International Cotton Con- 
gresses, which were held successively in Switzer- 
land, England, Germany, and Austria, will show 
what the International movement has effected. I 
venture to express the opinion that no commercial 
movement in the past has commanded, in so short 
a time, so much attention in Government circles. 
The possibilities of commercial energy, enterprise, 
and organisation, aided by the support of the 
Governments of the countries interested, are un- 
limited. The Report of the Fourth International 
Cotton Congress is just issued both in America and 
Europe. A copy of this highly-interrsting docu- 
ment has been provided for each delegate to this 
unique Convention of Cotton Planters and Spinners, 
and will, I hope, materially facilitate the discussion 
of the numerous important subjects which are to be 
dealt with. Such being the case, it is unnecessary 
for me to enlarge on these subjects. 

The International Cotton Federation was formed 
to further the welfare of the world's cotton industry, 
and includes within the scope of its operations 
everything in which interests common to all are 
involved. An organisation with such aims cannot 
be successfully carried on except by working on the 
broadest lines, and with due regard to the legitimate 
interests of all who are engaged in the industry, 



whether they be the growers of the raw material, the 
legitimate middlemen who are responsible for the 
distribution of that raw material, the spinners, the 
manufacturers, or of any other interests that are 
dependent upon them. 

All these are entitled to a fair remuneration for 
their labour and enterprise, and anything that inter- 
feres with the smooth working of an industry that 
concerns the welfare of many millions of people 
ought to be energetically dealt with by united action 
and removed. 

Those I have just enumerated are necessary 
factors in the conduct of this great industry ; but 
there are, unfortunately, people who are not engaged 
in any of these departments who are using the raw 
material of the industry as a counter for gambling 

Simultaneously with the Second International 
Cotton Congress, which was held in England in 
May, 1905, there .met in Rome, at the invitation 
of the King of Italy, an International Congress of 
the representatives of many nations delegated by 
their Governments to discuss a scheme for bringing 
the agricultural interests of the world into line. 
The idea was conceived by Mr. David Lubin, an 
American citizen, who succeeded in getting the 
energetic and far-seeing King, of Italy to take the 
initiative in a movement, the success of which is, 
I think, now practically assured. The International 
Cotton Federation, which is kindred in its aims, has 
cordially co-operated in the movement. In the 
light of what has been achieved, there is a fixed 



conviction in the minds of all who have taken part 
in the work that it is by international combination 
alone that the interests of any world-wide industry 
can be adequately safeguarded. 

The first practical work of the International 
Cotton Federation was to endeavour to secure 
thoroughly reliable statistics of the annual con- 
sumption of the raw material and stocks in the 
hands of spinners at the middle and end of each 
cotton season, and as there are already returns 
obtained from the owners of about 100,000,000 
spindles, it is expected that it will not be long ere a 
complete return from all the spindles in the world 
will be available. The International Institute of 
Agriculture has similar aims in view as regards 
furnishing reliable statistics of the supply of agricul- 
tural products, including, of course, cotton. When 
these two sets of statistics are available it is obvious 
that the work of the outside manipulator of prices 
will be rendered extremely difficult, if not impossible 

The American cotton crop plays such an important 
part in the supply of the world's needs that opera- 
tions which affect it practically affect, more or less, 
the entire crop of the world, and when consideration 
is given to the colossal dimensions of the world's 
cotton crop, and to the fact that the raising of the 
annual average price by illegitimate speculation by 
even one cent per pound represents ,18,000,000 
($90,000,000), it must be obvious that it is time that 
some determined effort was made to rid the industry 
of this serious and unnecessary burden. 

It is impossible to imagine any more important 


work, or one in which growers and spinners can 
more readily join hands, as it is inimical to the 
interests of both that such colossal sums should be 
extracted by those who neither grow cotton nor 
manufacture it, nor, indeed, render any actual 
service in the distribution of the raw material or 
its manufactured products. 

Cotton planters have been urged from time to 
time to hold for extreme prices, but it is doubtful 
if the adoption of such advice would in the long run 
be to their advantage. It must never be lost sight 
of by the growers that this staple supplies the 
clothing for the poorest people of the world in 
every country, and that applies more particularly 
to the 700,000,000 in India and China, to whom a 
great rise in price certainly means a limitation of 
their purchasing power, with a consequently 
reduced employment for the spinners and manufac- 
turers of the world, upon whom the growers of 
cotton are dependent. It has been the aim of all 
engaged in the manufacturing of cotton for many 
years to reduce the cost of production by taking 
full advantage of science and invention, and great 
economies have been effected. I think it would be 
well if this example were followed by the growers of 
our raw material. 

In addition to the saving which might be effected 
by the suppression of outside manipulation, very 
great economies might also be effected in the cost 
of growing, handling, and marketing cotton, as is 
made evident in the Report issued by the Lancashire 
Private Cotton Investigation Commission, which 



will be found in the appendix in the Report of the 
Fourth International Cotton Congress. 

The great majority of people who are engaged in 
the growing of cotton and its manufacture are too 
much occupied with the concerns of their own 
business to have followed the enormous development 
of the cotton industry. Thirty years ago the total 
crop of the United States was only about 4,500,000 
bales. Now America herself is using annually 
5,000,000 bales out of a crop of 13,500,000. The 
crops of the other cotton growing countries have 
also increased largely and all the cotton has gone 
into consumption. 

With the spread of civilisation, coupled with the 
success of the efforts which are now being made to 
reduce the possibilities of war, it is not, I think, 
taking too sanguine a view to assume that the 
progress of the next thirty years will be in a much 
greater ratio than that of the past thirty years. 
With such prospects before us, it is essential that 
we should encourage, in every way, the enterprise 
of all who are endeavouring to make provision for 
the ever-increasing demand for the raw material of 
an industry that plays so important a part in the 
clothing of the people of the world. 

Great efforts have been made during recent years 
to develop cotton growing in the Colonies and 
Dependencies of European nations, and many 
enthusiastic views are expressed with regard to the 
progress that will be made in these new countries. 
Although I am of opinion that the experience of 
America in the early years of the cotton growing 



industry will probably be repeated, and that the 
progress will be slow, there is little doubt that any 
attempt on the part of the American growers to 
maintain prices at ai abnormally high level will 
have the effect of giving an increased stimulus to 
these efforts, and progress may consequently be 
much more rapid than under normal conditions. 

What is equally important, however, in the 
interests of the cotton industry as a whole, is that 
prices of the raw material should not be reduced 
to a level which will not adequately remunerate the 
growers. We shall certainly have, as in the past, 
bad seasons alternating with good, but as cotton, 
unlike most other agricultural produce, can be stored 
for years without deterioration, it would surely be 
wise and prudent, in times of over abundance, to 
establish a reserve for years of partial failure, which 
would also have a steadying effect on prices. 

I should like to emphasise that taking into con- 
sideration the magnitude of the interests involved, 
the risks to which the cotton plant is exposed, and 
the prospects of the continued development of the 
world's cotton industry, we should be short-sighted 
indeed if we did not take energetic measures to 
increase our supply of the raw material, to broaden 
the basis of that supply, and likewise give attention 
to the establishment of a reserve in years of 
abundance as an insurance against years of partial 
failure and all the suffering which this entails. I 
quite appreciate the great difficulties which surround 
the creation of a reserve, but when difficulties are 



resolutely faced it is wonderful how they can be 

I quite agree with His Excellency the Governor 
of Georgia, Mr. Hoke Smith, that this part of the 
world is specially suited to grow cotton, but we 
must see that we have a sufficient quantity of it. 

In 1904, it was my duty to lead a movement by 
which the cotton industry of England reduced the 
hours of labour in the cotton mills from 55^ to 40 
per week. The reduction was continued for twelve 
months. Our operatives heartily co-operated with 
us, and by our action we saved a disaster of the first 
magnitude. Had we not had the foresight and the 
organisation to take this step, there is no doubt that 
by the month of May there would not have been a 
bale of American cotton available for the mills of 
England. By our action we reduced the price of 
cotton which had been raised to a fictitious figure by 
speculation, we tided over a year of a short crop, 
and we prevented a great disaster. I estimate that 
including cotton operatives, operatives of subsidiary 
industries, and the dependants of both, 2,500,000 
people would have been deprived of the means of 
livelihood had this organised reduction of working 
hours not been adopted. With such an experience 
I urge that we must have a great increase in the 
supply of our raw material wherever that increase 
can be effected. 

In conclusion, important as are the objects of this 
Convention which has brought the men of so many 
nationalities together, it is even more important as 
affording- another demonstration of how much the 



interests of all nations are bound up together. The 
more fully this can be realised, the greater will be 
success of the efforts which are happily being put 
forth by exalted personages, and the governments 
of the world, to remove international jealousies, to 
settle international disputes by arbitration, and to 
promote peace and goodwill among men. 



The White House, Washington, 

October i8th, 1907. 
My Dear Sir, 

I feel a very deep personal interest in the important 
matter which has brought to our shores so large and 
distinguished a body of cotton manufacturers from 
the principal nations of Europe. So far as I under- 
stand the plans and purposes of the International 
Federation of Cotton Spinners, of which you are the 
President, you aim to promote stable conditions in 
your great industry throughout the world ; and your 
visit to the United States more especially aims to 
bring the world's cotton manufacturers into closer 
touch and sympathy with our own cotton producers, 
upon whom you depend for three-quarters of your 
supplies of raw material. It seems to me an 
elementary truth that if our cotton planters can 
learn more definitely and at first hand, as your trip 
proposes, the exact needs of the manufacturer, in the 
matter of the preparation and shipment of the raw 
cotton, and can aim to conform thereto, the result 
will be quite as much to their benefit as to yours. 
You will find great changes in progress here, and 
an almost universal interest throughout the cotton 
belt in the matters that interest you ; and I hope and 
believe that you will return to your homes not only 



pleased with our country, but encouraged to believe 
that your visit will bear immediate fruit. 

It is a source of regret to me that engagements 
made long since rendered it impossible to receive 
your delegation during your sojourn in Washington, 
and to say to you by word of mouth what I now 
take great pleasure in writing. 

Sincerely yours, 


Mr. C. W. Macara, President, 

International Federation of Master Cotton 
Spinners' and Manfacturers' Associations. 

22, St. Mary's Gate, Manchester, 

November 6th, 1907. 
The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, 

President of the United States of America. 
My Dear Sir, 

I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your valued 
letter of October i8th. 

The interest which you have shown in the aims 
of the International Federation of Master Cotton 
Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations, under 
whose auspices the Delegation, representing the 
cotton-using countries of Europe, visited America, 
will be a matter of intense satisfaction, not only to 
the Delegation itself, but to every member of the 
International Federation. 

The Convention which was held at Atlanta on 
October yth, 8th, and 9th, was the most remarkable 
gathering ever held in connection with the cotton 



industry, as it embraced Representatives of American 
and European Spinners, of the Cotton Exchanges 
of the world, and of the Cotton Planters of the 
Southern States of America. It undoubtedly marks 
an epoch in the history of the cotton industry. 

As stated in your letter, the International Cotton 
Federation aims at the promotion of stable condi- 
tions throughout the world for the cotton industry, 
and I feel certain that it is impossible to overestimate 
the benefit which will accrue to one of the greatest 
international industries by the frank interchange of 
opinion which took place at the Atlanta Convention. 

The opportunities afforded of receiving and 
imparting information, throughout the tour of the 
Southern States, must also be productive of great 
benefit both to the producers of the raw material and 
to the cotton spinners and manufacturers. 

We certainly found wherever we went in the 
United States that great changes are being in- 
augurated, and we have returned home feeling that 
your wonderful country possesses unlimited re- 
sources in many respects, and especially in regard 
to the production of cotton. We believe our visit 
will have in some measure stimulated the Cotton 
Planters to take fuller advantage of their splendid 

We shall always remember with pleasure the hearty 
welcome accorded to us wherever we journeyed. The 
hospitality and kindness of the American people 
were overwhelming. 

Our chief regret on leaving the United States was 


that we had not the honour and pleasure of meeting 
you, whose services to humanity have evoked so 
much admiration throughout the world. 
I am, 

Yours faithfully, 


Chairman of Committee : International 
Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' 
and Manufacturers' Associations. 

Extract from a letter addressed to Mr. C. W. Macara, 
from His Excellency the Right Hon. JAMES 
BRYCE, O.M., British Ambassador at 

" The international importance of the Cotton 
Federation, and the fact that the centre of organisa- 
tion is Manchester, gives it a claim on the repre- 
sentatives of my Sovereign, King Edward, who has 
personally on more than one occasion expressed his 
interest in the objects of the Federation. I have 
instructed His Majesty's Consuls in the cities to 
be visited in your journey to extend every assistance 
to the delegates. 

" October 4th, 1907." 


EGYPT, 1912. 


Sir CHARLES W. MACARA, Bart., said : This Inter- 
national Delegation 2 which has come to visit your 
wonderful country is representative of one of the 
most remarkable commercial movements the world 
has ever seen. The International Cotton Federa- 
tion was founded in 1904 in a crisis brought about 
by the inadequate supply of the raw material, and 
since then my colleagues and I have been received 
by the Head of every State in which Congresses or 
Committee meetings have been held, as well as by 
many of the principal ministers of state. I think 
it is a very hopeful sign that the highest personages 
in the world are devoting their attention to the pro- 
motion of the peaceful pursuits of industry. I have 
been surprised by the amount of information on 
commercial subjects which is possessed by those 
who occupy the highest positions, and perhaps their 
knowledge is to some extent attributable to the fact 
that our reports are forwarded to them under the 

1. Keprinted from the official report of the visit of the 
Delegation of the International Federation of Master Cotton 
Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations to Egypt, Oct. Nov. 

2. The Delegates travelled by a special train through the 
Nile Delta. 


EGYPT, 1912 

auspices of the British Foreign Office. That has 
given to our movement a prestige which no other 
commercial movement has ever had. 


I now propose to deal with the consideration of 
international trading from the standpoint of practical 
experience. Many discussions are conducted by 
those who have not had opportunities for gaining 
the practical experience that my public work during 
the past 20 years has enabled me to acquire. This 
public work has necessitated the taking of a compre- 
hensive view of the international industries which 
provide the main factors in the two essentials of 
existence, viz., food and clothing, and the two are 
inseparably bound up together. 

When King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra 
received and entertained the Committee of the Inter- 
national Cotton Fedration at Windsor Castle in 
1906, his Majesty, in referring to the establishment 
of the International Institute of Agriculture, ex- 
pressed the hope that it would, when fully developed, 
be of service to the cotton and kindred industries 
which were so dependent for their raw material 
upon the tillers of the soil. This hope is being 


It has been my privilege to be associated with the 
inauguration of two international organisations 
which have played an important part in bringing 


EGYPT, 1912 

the nations of the world into friendly co-operation, 
the first being the International Federation of 
Master Cotton Spinners' and Manufacturers' 
Associations, initiated at Zurich in 1904, with its 
headquarters in Manchester, and embracing, either 
in its membership or in co-operation with it, nearly 
all the countries where cotton is grown or manufac- 
tured; the other is the International Institute of 
Agriculture, which, on the recommendation of an 
American citizen, was initiated and promoted by the 
King of Italy, and has its headquarters in Rome. 
In the International Institute of Agriculture no 
fewer than 49 States are co-operating. As presi- 
dent of the International Federation of Master 
Cotton Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations 
I was appealed to in the initial stages of the Inter- 
national Institute of Agriculture to render whatever 
assistance was possible towards the promotion of 
this world-wide movement, an appeal which I at 
once responded to, recognising that it would be of 
immense service to all the textile industries of which 
cotton is the chief. I feel pleased that France, 
England, and Germany were among the first of the 
great nations to support, in the order named, the 
King of Italy's scheme to promote the welfare of 
the agriculture of the world. Since then these two 
international organisations have worked hand in 
hand, and each succeeding year emphasizes the view 
that they are destined, not only to promote the 
material welfare of the inhabitants of the globe, but 
by the dissemination of a vast amount of informa- 
tion regarding the conduct of the industries, which, 


EGYPT, 1912 

as I have said before, provide the essentials of life, 
an educational work is being carried on 'which is 
demonstrating most forcibly the entire interdepen- 
dence of the nations of the world. When the Com- 
mittee of the International Cotton Federation was 
entertained by the British Government at the House 
of Commons in 1910, Sir Edward Grey* Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs, in commending the 
work of the International Cotton Federation, said 
that when the interdependence of the nations was 
fully realised the peace of the \vorld will be assured. 
It is impossible to estimate the value of the wide 
distribution of the reports of the work of these inter- 
national organisations, which has been done most 
extensively, the annual reports being published in 
the best known languages and circulated throughout 
the world. In all the countries in which Con- 
gresses, or meetings of the International Cotton 
Committee, have been held, the work has received 
the personal recognition of the heads of the States, 
and the cordial support of prominent statesmen. 

In this connection I might say that another inter- 
national movement which is rapidly assuming large 
dimensions has been established. prefer to the 
International Federation of Textile Workers, a 
movement that is equally demonstrating the inter- 
dependence of the nations. 


In a paper which was read at the seventh Inter- 
national Cotton Congress held in Brussels in 1910, 
the magnitude of the possibilities of the cotton in- 
dustry was brought out. This industry supplies 


EGYPT, 1912 

nine-tenths of the clothing of the world's inhabi- 
tants, and it is estimated that out of a 
population of 1,500,000,000 only 500,000,000 are 
completely clothed, 750,000,000 are partly clothed, 
and 250,000,000 are not clothed at all. Such figures 
show the vastness of this international industry and 
the possibilities of its development. It is obvious 
that this can only be effectively carried out by inter- 
national enterprise, and the educational process 
which is being prosecuted is showing the growers 
of the raw material the immense possibilities of the 
development of their industry to meet the ever- 
increasing demand for cotton clothing. In address- 
ing the cotton planters of the Southern States of 
America at the International Convention held in 
Atlanta, Georgia, in 1907, in order to counteract the 
view they took that the higher the price they could 
get for cotton the better their interests were served, 
I pointed out to them that the consumers of cotton 
goods were adversely affected by a great enhance- 
ment in the cost of their clothing, which had the 
further effect of reducing the consumption of cotton 
goods and the employment for the cotton mills of 
the world. 1 further pointed out to the planters 
that their best interests lay in the scientific cultiva- 
tion of the soil, thus increasing the yield per acre, 
which would enable them to secure adequate re- 
muneration and yet to sell cotton at a considerably 
lower price. This, together with better handling 
and marketing, which further reduces expenses, 
would ultimately tend to the prosperity of the 
growers, the manufacturers, the workers, and the 


EGYPT, 1912 

users of cotton clothing. The mere enumeration 
of these considerations proves what can be accom- 
plished by friendly discussion among the repre- 
sentatives of the nations, demonstrates the inter- 
dependence of the nations, and shows how each can 
contribute to the prosperity of all. In writing to me 
subsequently, President Roosevelt referred to the 
great awakening that was taking place in the United 
States as a result of two previous visits of a Lanca- 
shire Commission of cotton experts, and of the Con- 
ference with the cotton planters at Atlanta. 


Under normal conditions the demand for cotton 
productions is practically unlimited. During 
recent years the supply of raw cotton has been short 
of the world's requirements, and the price has conse- 
quently ruled high. Although England holds so 
commanding a position in the cotton trade of the 
world, yet her policy has always been to maintain 
the open door wherever her influence extends. All 
nations are thus placed on an equal footing with 
England in meeting the demand for these commodi- 
ties. Among the principal aims of the International 
Cotton Federation are the development of the culti- 
vation of cotton in all parts of the world where it 
can be grown successfully and on a commercial 
basis, compiling statistics regarding the industry, 
and establishing Courts of Arbitration to promote 
the smooth working of international trading. 
Panels have already been appointed in most of the 
countries included in the Federation. The Inter- 
national Institute of Agriculture encourages the 


EGYPT, 1912 

more scientific cultivation of all crops, and also 
publishes reliable statistics regarding the crops of 
the world and their consumption. 

The interests of all who cultivate the soil, as well as 
of all who manufacture raw materials into clothing, 
the distributors and consumers, have to be con- 
sidered. For example, the cotton planter must get 
an adequate price to remunerate him for his labour 
and enterprise, but this does not necessarily mean 
a high price. Scientific methods of cultivation 
may enable the grower to sell his commodity at a 
moderate price, which will pay him for his increased 
production just as well as a high price did formerly. 
A moderate price of raw cotton enables th& manu- 
facturer of cotton goods to sell his productions also 
at a moderate price, and this in its turn results in a 
greater consumption of cotton clothing, which in- 
creases the employment for the cotton mills of the 


It is obvious that if the industries which provide 
the essentials for the human race are to be conducted 
with the breadth of vision necessary for their suc- 
cess, the nations of the world must work together 
for greater efficiency, and in doing this there need 
be no greater rivalry between nations than there is 
between individuals. Individual and national 
rivalry have always existed, and with nations, just 
as with individuals, it is those who display the 
greatest energy and resource who are the most suc- 
cessful. This delegation, representing the principal 
European nations and Japan, is visiting Egypt for 


EGYPT, 1912 

the purpose of encouraging by its presence the work 
which is being carried on by the Khedive, the 
Egyptian Government, and by that able administra- 
tor, Lord Kitchener. Primarily, this work is in the 
interests of the Egyptians themselves, but all cotton- 
using countries will also benefit. 

All other industries are supplementary or sub- 
sidiary to those which provide food and clothing, 
and upon the successful conduct of industry depends 
the provision for the defensive forces of the nations 
of the world. 


From many years' experience in dealing with the 
relationship between capital and labour, I am firmly 
convinced that strong and efficient organisation on 
both sides is the best means for promoting mutual 
respect and for dealing successfully with industrial 
disputes. There is no doubt that where such 
organisation exists disputes are more likely to be 
settled harmoniously than where one side is weak 
and the other strong, or where both sides are im- 
perfectly organised. I consider also that the inter- 
course which takes place between the representa- 
tives of capital and labour tends to a better realisa- 
tion of the difficulties of each, and, above all, to 
bring home forcibly the fact that their interests are 
not antagonistic, but that they are identical, and that 
many difficulties can only be surmounted by co- 
operation. On the other hand, it becomes apparent 
as time goes on that industrial strife is against the 
interests of both capital and labour. 

What applies to the conduct of industry applies 

EGYPT, 1912 

equally to the relationship between the nations of 
the world. Here again practical experience is of 
the utmost value, and the working of the two inter- 
national organisations with which I have been 
associated has proved conclusively that it is possible 
for the representatives of the numerous nations of 
the world to meet together in friendly conference, 
discuss problems that concern the welfare of all, and 
that are impossible of solution except by the co- 
operation of all. The successful and harmonious 
work of these organisations shows that, notwith- 
standing the great increase of armaments, the 
peoples of the world are friends at heart. 

International trade demonstrates the dependence 
of the nations upon one another. I may quote, as 
an example, the trade between England and Ger- 
many, which approaches, in round figures, 
, 1 20,000,000 annually; that between England and 
France is about ^"80,000,000 annually. Then Eng- 
land uses about half the crop of cotton which is 
grown in Egypt, the other half being distributed 
amongst the other cotton-manufacturing countries 
of the world. 

So far as finance is concerned, the interests of all 
countries are also closely interwoven, but these con- 
siderations, colossal as they are, would be far 
exceeded in dire consequences in other directions 
should there be other serious complications. In- 
deed, to anyone who fully realises the basis on which 
industry and commerce exist, it must be apparent 
that it would be impossible to emerge from war 
without irreparable loss, not only to combatants but 


EGYPT, 1912 

to non-combatants. I fear, speaking generally, that 
statesmen and diplomats have little opportunities 
for gauging the terrible effects war would have 
upon the ever-increasing intricacies connected with 
the carrying on of industry and commerce, and the 
absolute chaos that would be produced. It would 
be well if there were more intercourse between them 
and the leaders of industry and commerce, so that 
they might by this means realise more fully the vast 
issues that are involved, which would certainly tend 
to the exercise of greater care in the discussion of 
difficulties as they arise. In the carrying on of the 
international movements to which I have referred, 
all the nations have worked perfectly harmoniously. 
At these international gatherings it is impossible to 
detect racial jealousies or that the delegates belong 
to so many different nations. Indeed, the delibera- 
tions are animated throughout by a desire to deal 
with the industries as a whole, it being fully realised 
that each nation is simply carrying on its own part 
of international industry, and that all should com- 
bine in facing problems which can only be success- 
fully dealt with by combination. 


With such experiences I am at a loss to under- 
stand the constantly recurring jealousies and mis- 
understandings between nations, which I cannot 
help feeling are magnified by writers who do not 
realise the gravity of the issues with which they are 
dealing. Mischief is so often brought about by 
want of thought in dealing with industrial strife, 
which in a minor degree has the same disastrous 


EGYPT, 1912 

results as would be brought about by war, that it is 
earnestly to be desired, for the welfare of humanity, 
greater care will be exercised in the future. 

Having presided over numerous conferences that 
have taken place in connection with the disputes 
which have occurred in the cotton industry of Eng- 
land during the past 20 years, I can testify to the 
immense value of the round table conference, both 
in the settlement of disputes and the prevention of 
industrial strife, and I feel certain that the adoption 
of a similar course, pursued assiduously in inter- 
national disputes, would generally lead to a settle- 
ment and prevent recourse to war. 

I do not share the Utopian views which are fre- 
quently expressed regarding disarmament, much .as 
their realisation is to be desired. Changes in the 
existing state of affairs, in my opinion, cannot be 
brought about rapidly or without much patient 
educational work. As an advocate of the thorough 
organisation of capital and labour, I am also an 
advocate of thorough efficiency in the defensive 
forces of the nations. At the same time I firmly 
believe that eventually, with the advance of science 
and the spread of civilisation, together with inter- 
national co-operation to promote greater efficiency 
in carrying on the world's work, ample employment 
will be found for all, which would tend to remove 
national jealousies, and thus help materially to 
ensure the peace of the world. 



LOAN OF ,3,000,000. 

A Deputation of the British Cotton Growing 
Association waited upon the Right Hon. H. H. 
Asquith, Prime Minister, in London, on January 
23rd, 1913, for the purpose of requesting the Govern- 
ment to guarantee a loan of ,3,000,000 for the 
development of the Sudan. The Prime Minister 
was accompanied by the Right Hon. Sir Edward 
Grey, Bart., K.G., Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, the Right Hon. D. Lloyd George, Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, and the Right Hon. Sydney 
Buxton, President of the Board of Trade. The 
Deputation was introduced by the Earl of Derby, 
G.C.V.O., C.B., President of the Association, and 
the other speakers were the Duke of Marlborough, 
K.G., and Sir Charles Macara, Bart., Vice-Presi- 
dents, Mr. J. Arthur Hutton, Chairman of the 
Council of the Association, and Mr. A. H. Gill, 
M.P., one of the members of the Council, repre- 
senting the operatives in the cotton industry. The 
speeches were businesslike and impressive. Sir 
Charles Macara, who dealt with the subject from an 
international standpoint, said : 



The position I have occupied in the cotton indus- 
try during the last 20 years, both nationally and 
internationally, has necessitated a careful study of 
all the problems that have to be faced in carrying 
on this great industry, which plays such an im- 
portant part in clothing the people of the world. 
Since the British Cotton Growing Association was 
inaugurated I have taken a very deep interest in the 
work it has carried on, and although it has been 
quite impossible for me to share in carrying on its 
every-day work I have never lost an opportunity of 
advocating its claims, and have done what I could 
to secure financial support from the Members of the 
Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' Associations, 
of which I am the President. The British Cotton 
Growing Association has appealed to me in a variety 
of ways, perhaps none more forcibly than its having 
given an object-lesson to the world of friendly co- 
operation between the representatives of capital and 
labour in promoting a movement for the benefit of 
the industry, upon the success of which both are 
equally dependent. I have on many occasions 
referred to this with pride in addressing meetings 
of business men in numerous parts of the world. 
Moreover, in connection with the work of the Inter- 
national Cotton Federation, one of the aims of which 
is to develop the existing cotton fields and to open 
up new cotton fields in any part of the world where 
this can be done successfully, the work of the British 
Cotton Growing Association has always had a 
prominent place in the annual reports, which have 
been printed in the best known languages and circu- 



lated throughout the world. In this connection 
it has been a source of much satisfaction to me in 
meeting Ministers of State in the countries I have 
visited to hear from them the great assistance they 
have received in developing cotton growing in the 
colonies of these countries from the experience 1 they 
have gained by perusing the reports of the Inter- 
national Cotton Federation. 


Any narrow views that I may at one time have 
entertained have been completely dispelled by the 
experience I have gained in visiting the principal 
countries that share with England the carrying on 
of the cotton industry of the world, and I have 
come to the conclusion that it matters little where 
cotton is grown, but the great problem that has to 
be solved is that there should be sufficient cotton 
to meet the rapidly-developing requirements brought 
about by the march of civilisation and the increase 
of population. It must be remembered that still a 
large proportion of the people of the world are only 
partially clothed or not clothed at all. The price 
of raw material for carrying on the cotton industry 
is a most important factor, and when I state, what 
I have frequently stated before, that an increase of 
2|d. per pound on the world's cotton crop means 
,100,000,000, it will be seen that this is a serious 
factor in the prosperity of the industry, as it reduces 
the consumption of cotton clothing, which is the 
clothing of the poorest people of the world, and by 
so doing it is obvious that the employment of the 
mills is also reduced. The position to-day is that 



cotton, through anticipated, scarcity of supply, is 
over 2d . a pound above what it was 1 2 months ago. It 
must also be remembered that scientific cultivation 
is a great factor in increasing the yield and so 
reducing the price at which the planter can sell his 
cotton and retain a satisfactory profit. It was 
decided by the Committee of the International 
Cotton Federation in June last that a delegation 
representing the countries included in the Federa- 
tion sho.uld visit Egypt in November to study the 
conditions under which the Egyptian crop is grown, 
handled, and marketed, and the developments that 
are going on. This delegation was on the same 
lines as the one which visited the cotton-growing 
States of America in 1907. The report of the dele- 
gation to Egypt will be issued very shortly, but I 
may say that all the delegates were immensely im- 
pressed with the splendid agricultural methods 
which are in vogue in Egypt, and the magnificent 
resource that is displayed by the Khedival and the 
British agricultural societies by taking advantage 
of scientific methods and also in reclaiming land, 
this work being carried on under the direction of 
Lord Kitchener, who, I may say, is enthusiastic 
about the possibilities. My colleagues and I were 
immensely impressed with what is going on, and 
are convinced that an early and considerable in- 
crease in the supply of Egyptian cotton is practically 


In addition to meeting Lord Kitchener and his 
staff and some large agriculturists, I also met in 



Cairo, Sir Reginald Wingate, the Sirdar, and had 
a most cordial invitation from him to visit the 
Sudan, which unfortunately I was unable to accept. 
It was arranged, however, that the Secretary of the 
International Cotton Federation shoulcf go to the 
Sudan, and his report is now being printed and will 
be issued shortly ; it will amplify and endorse every- 
thing that the Chairman of the British Cotton 
Growing Association has said. Indeed, I have the 
utmost confidence, with such men as Lord 
Kitchener, Sir Reginald Wingate, and others, that 
the development of cotton growing in Egypt and 
the Sudan will solve more rapidly the problem of 
increasing the supply of cotton than could be done 
in some of the other parts of the world where new 
cotton fields are being developed, and at the same 
time will be of immense benefit to these countries. 
I hope that a broad view will be taken by the British 
Government of the proposition that has been placed 
before them to-day. It must never be overlooked 
that although other countries are developing their 
cotton industry, England has developed much more 
rapidly than any of them, and that practically all 
the countries of the world are customers of England 
for cotton goods, that England's cotton industry 
depends for about three-quarters of its employment 
on export trade, that cotton goods represent about 
one-third of the total exports of manufactures, that 
the cotton which can be produced in Egypt and the 
Sudan is of the utmost importance to England, as 
she consumes more of this class of cotton for her 
fine manufactures than all the other countries of the 



world combined. I would like to mention that the 
British cotton industry provides directly the liveli- 
hood for millions of people and indirectly for 
millions more. In conclusion, I would like to 
emphasize that Egypt has spent enormous sums in 
the development of the Sudan, and the time has 
certainly come when England must materially assist 
in this direction. I hope that all these matters will 
receive the serious consideration that they certainly 




On Nov. 4th, 1912, the delegates drove to the 
British Agency, on the banks of the Nile, where they 
were received by Field-Marshal Viscount Kitchener 
of Khartoum, British Agent and Consul-General. 

After having a private conversation with Sir 
Charles Macara in his room, and after receiving the 
members of the Committee, Lord Kitchener led the 
way to the terrace, where the whole of the delegates 
were introduced to him. At the conclusion of this 
ceremony, Lord Kitchener, after offering a hearty 
welcome to his visitors, said : 

I hope your inspection of the cotton industry in 
its centre here will be profitable not only to your- 
selves but to Egypt also. Your secretary last 
year gave us a very valuable report on his visit. 
In that report there were many hints which have 
done a great deal to improve the work out here 
in regard to cotton cultivation. I am sure we all 
owe him a debt for the trouble he took in making 
that report. I hope your present visit w r ill in- 
crease our knowledge. You have had oppor- 
tunities of seeing the qualities of the fellah who 
cultivates the soil, and I think if he would pay a 

1 Reprinted from the official report of the visit of the 

Delegation of the International Federation of Master Cotton 

Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations to Egypt, Oct. Nov. 



little more attention to the cotton when it is being 
picked and being stored, and would discriminate 
a little better in the seed which he uses, we 
should have more improvements. I have no 
doubt that will come. I think it will come per- 
haps through the small purchaser in Egypt, who 
goes round and buys in the various places where 
cotton is produced. If we can get the fellaheen 
to take their cotton to more general centres, and 
the small merchant to know better the quality of 
the cotton and to buy only the best, the fellah 
will know it is -no use to produce an article which 
is inferior. That experience will teach him much 
better than we can tell him. The small mer- 
chant now buys up all he can, regardless of 
quality, but if we can get a better price for the 
good cotton, and encourage means of discrimi- 
nating between good and bad, it will be good for 
the fellah ; he will learn that it is worth his while 
to cultivate the best article. 

As regards seed, the Director-General of the 
Agricultural Department is making experiments 
in new seed, and we should like your advice as to 
two new qualities of seed which we have got. I 
am sure if we know exactly what you want we 
shall be able to produce it. We have only got 
a very small quantity of the seed so far, and it will, 
I think, take five years, during which the greatest 
care will have to be paid in our Agricultural 
Department, to enable the seed to go out freely 
into the country, and to be of use to you. It is 
just as well to know at once that we are on the 


right lines. I hope some of you will give us an 
opinion as to whether these two products of our 
work for some time now in seed cultivation are 
really what you want. I hope you will give a 
better price. One of the great requirements of 
Egypt is a good price for cotton, and we look to 
you to keep it up. If we do all we can to pro- 
duce the article which you require we ask you to 
keep it at a good price, so that our people shall 
be happy and anxious to produce the cotton 
which you require. 

Sir CHARLES MACARA said : On behalf of my col- 
leagues and myself, I want to thank your Lordship 
most heartily for the reception which you have 
accorded us to-day at a time when heavy responsi- 
bilities, arising from a disturbed state of Eastern 
Europe, rest upon you. Since we arrived in Egypt 
we have had the most hospitable reception. The 
arrangements have been splendid. Everything has 
passed off without a hitch. Here we have seen 
exactly the opposite of what we saw in America in 
1907, when we travelled 4,600 miles through the 
Southern States. We were distinctly disappointed 
to find that America, which we all thought was an 
up-to-date country, was very far behind in agricul- 
tural methods. In Egypt we have been immensely 
struck by your methods, and by the possibilities 
that lie before you. And I can assure you that it 
is a matter of supreme interest to the cotton industry 
of the world that Egypt should extract from the soil 
as much cotton as possible. Egyptian cotton is 
used for the purpose of making the highest class of 



cqtton fabrics, England taking half the crop and 
other nations the other half. This branch of the 
cotton industry is developing much more rapidly 
than any other branch, possibly because we now 
produce cotton fabrics which only an expert can 
differentiate from silk. For these fabrics the best 
of cotton is required, and where the quality is good 
there is no reason why the price should not be good 

As for the cotton trade in general, we should like 
to see all possible steps taken to improve the culti- 
vation of cotton. On experimental farms in America 
we saw land which had been producing half a bale 
an acre, with very little extra expense, under 
scientific cultivation producing three-quarters of a 
bale an acre. Our desire is to pay the planter a fair 
price, and at the same time to keep the cost of the 
raw material moderate. A moderate price encour- 
ages a larger consumption of cotton goods than is 
the case when the cost is excessively high, as it has 
been for the last few years. I do not think there 
is anything to which your Lordship can devote your 
great abilities more important than the encourage- 
ment of the growth of cotton in Egypt. Cotton 
growing will largely benefit the people, and we are 
very anxious that the natives should have full re- 
muneration and full encouragement to cultivate 
cotton and to improve its quality as much as they 
can. The object of the International Federation is 
to promote smooth relationships between those who 
carry on the growing of the raw material, and those 
who manufacture it. We want to create confi- 



dence, and I think there is nothing more likely to 
do that than that those who' spin and manufacture 
should come into contact with those who grow the 
raw material. There are very great difficulties in 
the cultivation we get to know that wherever we 
go and there are also great difficulties connected 
with the manufacture. The more intercourse there 
is between those engaged in the industry the more 
likely we are to be successful. My motto always 
has been " Live and let live." We want all to do 
well. I assure you that our reception here to-day 
has given great satisfaction to my colleagues and 
myself, and we thank you heartily for receiving us. 

LORD KITCHENER : I should like to refer to one 
other point the question of drainage. We hear 
very often that the land in Egypt has generally 
deteriorated. That is not the case. The land is 
as good as it was, but in places it has become water- 
logged, and a great many acres have gone out of 
cultivation or have very much reduced their acreage 
under cotton, owing to the water-logged state. 

On that account the Government is taking up a 
big scheme of drainage. That scheme has to be 
on a very large scale, otherwise it would be useless, 
and I have no doubt the effect of it will be to add 
a very much larger area to the l^nd under cotton 
cultivation than there has been in the past. Work 
of that sort, of course, takes many years to accom- 
plish : four or five years will elapse before the results 
will be apparent. If you come again in five years 
or so we hope we shall be able to show you a much 
bigger aera under cultivation, and perhaps better 



produce than is now being cultivated. The amount 
we now turn out per feddan is about live cantars, a 
very good proportion. I do not think you will get 
it in any other country in the world. This year 
we shall have a bumper crop, I think. I don't 
think we have ever had as much cotton as we shall 
have this year. I do not know exactly what it will 
be, perhaps under 8,000,000 cantars, and if next 
year we go on increasing I suppose it will help you 
all in your manufactures. I am very glad to have 
seen you, and hope you will enjoy your visit to 






We, the undersigned, on the occasion of the 
assembly in Paris of the Fifth Annual International 
Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master 
Cotton Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations, 
desire to express to you, and to place on permanent 
record our high appreciation of the many invaluable 
and voluntary services which you have rendered to 
the Cotton Industry of the World. 

The experience which you have acquired as 
President of the English Federation of Master 
Cotton Spinners' Associations since 1894 has 
eminently qualified you for leading recent Inter- 
national movements, and in referring to these 
movements we specially desire to record the 
prominent part you took ia the initiation of the 
International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' 
and Manufacturers' Associations in 19x34, the excep- 
tional ability which you have displayed as Chairman 
of the Committee of that Organisation from its 
inception ; and your Presidency of the Second Inter- 
national Congress which was held in Manchester 
and Liverpool in 1905, when the International 
Federation was formally constituted. 

We desire, further, to record our sincere apprecia- 
tion of your compliance with the unanimous wish 
of the Committee of the International Cotton 



Federation that you should organise and lead the 
Delegation representing- European Cotton interests 
which attended the Atlanta Conference last Autumn, 
and which subsequently made the tour of the Cotton 
growing States of America. The Atlanta Confer- 
ence was, we consider, the most comprehensive 
international assembly of the various sections of the 
Cotton interests ever called together, there being 
present Representatives of the Cotton Planters' 
Associations of the Southern States of America ; of 
American and European Associations of Cotton 
Spinners and Manufacturers; and of the Cotton 
Exchanges of the World. 

We recognise that. these International Movements 
with which you have been so prominently associated, 
have been of inestimable benefit to all engaged in 
the Cotton industry, that they have not only created 
a deep impression upon the Governments of the 
Countries specially interested in the personal recog- 
nition of Sovereigns and Heads of States wherever 
the International Meetings have been held, but that 
they have fostered friendly relations amongst the 
peoples of many nations and have, in a marked 
degree, contributed to the promotion of International 
peace and goodwill. 

We are, dear Sir, 

Yours faithfully, 
Paris, June 1908. 


President, First Intei'national Cotton Congress, 
Zurich, 1904; Vice-Chairman, International 
Cotton Committee, representing Switzerland ; 
President, Schweizerischer Spinner- Zweiner- und 
Weber-Verein, Switzerland. 



President, Fifth International Cotton Congress, 
Paris, 1908; Joint Hon. Treasurer, International 
Cotton Committee, representing France, Syndicat 
General de 1'Industrie Cotoniere Franchise, Paris, 

C. 0. LANGEN, 

Joint Hon. Treasurer, International Cotton 
Committee, representing Germany, nominated in 
succession to the late Herr Ferdinand Gross, 
President of the Third International Cotton 
Congress, Bremen, 1906 ; President, Verband 
Rheinisch-Westfalischer Baumwollspinner, M. 
Gladbach, Germany. 


President, Fourth International Cotton Congress, 
Vienna, 1907 ; Member of the International Com- 
mittee, representing Austria ; President, Verein 
der Baumwollspinner Oesterreichs, Vienna, 


Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting England ; President, North and North-east 
Lancashire Cotton Spinners' and Manufacturers' 
Association, Manchester, England. 


Member of the International Committee, repre- 
sening Japan ; the Japan Cotton Spinners' 
Association, Osoka, Japan. 


Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting Belgium ; President, Association Coton- 
niere de Belgique, Ghent, Belgium. 


Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting Holland ; Nederlandsche Patroonsvereen- 
iging van Katoenspinners-en-wevers, Enschede, 

Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting Portugal ; President, Associayao Industrial 
Portuense, Oporto, Portugal 


Delegate, representing Norway ; President, 
Bomuldsspindernes og Vsevernes Gruppe i De 
norske Tekstilfabrikanters Forenung, Christiana, 




Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting Italy ; President, Associazione f ra gli 
Industrial! Cotonieri e Borsa-Cotoni, Milan, 


Member of the International Committee, repre- 
senting Spain ; President, Cotton Section, Fomento 
del Trabajo National, Barcelona, Spain. 


Delegate representing Russia at the Zurich Con- 
gress, 1904, Moscow, Russia. 

S. M 

Delegate representing India at the Bremen (1906) 
and Paris (1908) Congresses, Cawnpore, India. 

S. A. 0. NORTH, 

Director Bureau of the Census, Department of 
Commerce and Labor, Washington, D.C., United 
States of America. 


President, The National Association of Cotton 
Manufacturers, Boston, Mass., United States of 

President, Arkwright Club, Boston, Massachussets, 
United States of America. 


President, International Convention of Cotton 
Growers, Spinners, and Manufacturers, Atlanta, 
Georgia, 1907 ; Past-President, The National 
Association of Cotton Manufacturers, Boston, 
Mass., United States of America. 


President, American Cotton Manufacturers' 
Association, Charlotte, N.C., United States of 


President, Southern Cotton Association (Plan- 
ters) ; and President, Sea-Island Cotton Associa- 
tion (Planters), Atlanta, Ga., United States of 




Lord Crewe, who was accompanied by Sir 
Thomas Holderness, K.C.S.I., Permanent Under- 
secretary of State for India, and by Mr. Francis C. 
Drake, Secretary of the Revenue and Statistics 
Department, received the Deputation in the India 
Office on July 22nd, 1913, at three o'clock in the 

The Deputation consisted of the following 
Members of the International Cotton Federation : 
Sir Charles W. Macara, Bart. (President), J. B. 
Tattersall, C. O. Langen, C. Berger, Jean de Hemp- 
tinne, S. Watanabe", S. M. Johnson, J. F. Bradbury, 
N. M. Gokuldas, Gordohandas Khauta, J. W. 
McConnel, S. Newton (Ashton-under-Lyne), J. 
Hilton (Oldham), J. Thorpe (Oldham), R. Worswick 
(Rawtenstall). And the following Lancashire 
Members of Parliament: E. R. B. Denniss, M.P. 
for Oldham ; A. W. Barton, M.P. for Oldham ; Dr. 
Charles Leach, M.P. for Colne Valley; T. C. 
Taylor, M.P. for S.E. Radcliffe ; P. Wilson Raffan, 



M.P. for Leigh; Major the Hon. G. F. Stanley, 
M.P. for Preston; A. A. Tobin, K.C., M.P. for 
Preston; A. H. Gill, M.P. for Bolton ; H. Nuttall, 
M.P. for Stretford. 

Sir Charles W. Macara, Bart., introducing the 
deputation, said : 
My Lord Marquess, 

This is the fourth occasion on which an Inter- 
national delegation has waited upon the Secretary 
of State for India for the purpose of urging as 
strongly as possible the necessity for everything 
being done that can be done to improve the quality 
and extend the cultivation of cotton in India. 

The International Federation of Master Cotton 
Spinners' and Manufacturers' Associations includes 
in its membership, or has, in co-operation with it, 
practically all the cotton growing and cotton manu- 
facturing countries of the world ; and it has become 
increasingly evident that the problems connected 
with the supply of. the raw material of the world's 
cotton industry can only be dealt with effectually 
by international co-operation. 

Five-eighths of the cotton crop of the world is 
provided by the United States of America, and it 
is from India that the next largest supply comes. 
The present season's crop of Indian cotton, it is 
estimated, will amount to 6,000,000 bales of about 
4Oolbs. each, and when I mention that the cotton 
crop of the world now averages over 20,000,000 
bales of an average weight of soolbs. each, it will 
show what an important factor the Indian cotton 
crop is in the supply of the raw material for this 



industry, which plays the chief part in clothing the 
people of the world. 

The development in the cultivation of Indian 
cotton has been very marked during recent years, 
and if the present season's crop reaches 6,000,000 
bales, as it anticipated, its total value at the present 
prices will amount to something like ^50,000,000. 

I attribute much of this increased cultivation to 
the educational work that has been carried on 
throughout the world by the International Cotton 
Federation, and which has brought about co-opera- 
tion between cotton growers and cotton manufac- 
turers and the Governments chiefly concerned in 
the welfare of this great international industry. 
In this connection I would like to acknowledge 
the valuable co-operation of your Lordship's 
Department, together with that of the Government 
of India. 

Statistics show that the cotton crop of the world 
is now about three times greater than it was 35 to 
40 years ago, but notwithstanding this remarkable 
development, it is obvious to those who study 
future requirements, that the extension of the cotton 
fields of the world must proceed much more rapidly 
than has been the case, if the raw material is to keep 
pace with the demand for cotton goods. It is 
therefore apparent that in India, which, owing to 
exceptional circumstances, is capable of much more 
rapid development than any other part of the world, 
no effort should be spared to bring about this much- 
needed development. A study of the Annual and 
the special Reports, issued by the International 



Cotton Federation since its inauguration in 1904, 
will show that this important subject has received 
a large share of attention, and that an adequate 
supply of Indian cotton is a matter of supreme 
interest, not only to India itself, but to Japan, Ger- 
many, France, Italy, and Belgium, and to a smaller 
extent to Lancashire. But no narrow view of the 
question must be taken, for the greater the supply 
of cotton from India for those countries which can 
use it largely, the greater will be the quantity of 
those other qualities of cotton more suitable to the 
requirements of the English cotton industry which 
is engaged in producing a much larger proportion 
of the finer qualities of goods than other countries, 
which are exported to practically all the countries 
of the world. 

At the Ninth International Cotton Congress, 
which was held in Holland last month, the Inter- 
national Committee decided that the International 
Secretary should make a third visit to the cotton 
growing districts of India during the autumn of 
this year. I feel sure your Lordship will again 
extend to him the generous assistance which so 
facilitated his work on the occasion of his two 
previous visits. 



The great industrial upheaval which we have been 
experiencing has led to the suggestion of various 
remedies for mitigating or preventing a recurrence 
of such a state of things. There is no subject of 
more vital importance to the national welfare than 
that of the maintenance of harmonious relationships 
between Capital and Labour. 

Those who occupy the foremost positions in our 
great industries, on the side of both Capital and 
Labour, have heavy responsibilities, and it is 
necessary that these responsibilities should be 
adequately realised, as the welfare of the nation 
depends to a great extent upon these industries 
being conducted in a statesmanlike manner, 
especially in view of their interdependence. It is 
impossible for one of the half-dozen great staple 
industries to be paralysed without the others being 
more or less seriously affected. Much has recently 
been said about the repudiation of agreements 
entered into between Capital and Labour, but I 
hold that in most cases where repudiation has taken 
place it is largely due to the absence of proper 
organisation. I think it can be proved that where 

1. Contributed by Sir Charles W. Macara, Bart., to the 
" Financial Review of Reviews," Oct. 1911. 



the organisations on both sides are efficient it is 
exceedingly rare that agreements have not been 
loyally kept. 

Many years have passed since I first advocated 
the establishment of a tribunal for dealing with 
deadlocks in labour disputes. Until recently this 
advocacy was carried on without publicity, and 
although I had had for some time grave misgivings 
as to the industrial position, I scarcely expected such 
a demonstration as we have recently experienced. 

Although for many years I have occupied the 
prominent and onerous position of President of the 
Master Cotton Spinners' Federation, the proposals 
which I have made for the settlement of labour 
disputes have been launched in my private capacity. 
These proposals were addressed simultaneously to 
prominent members of all industries. This I have 
done largely through the co-operation of the heads 
of the principal municipalities, which have assisted 
me in ascertaining the views of leaders of Capital 
and Labour in their respective localities. 

Except when specially requested to do so, I have 
not approached the organisations of either em- 
ployers or workmen, as the scheme does not inter- 
fere in any way with the public-spirited and abso- 
lutely necessary work of those organisations or of 
the Conciliation Boards which have been estab- 
lished. Its purpose is to deal with deadlocks, and 
onlv when all existing'' means of settlement have 

J c_5 

failed. During my twenty years' connection with 
the cotton trade employers' organisations I have 
had a wide experience of all the anxieties attending 



industrial disputes in this great industry ; most of 
these disputes have been settled, but some have 
been fought to the bitter end, involving acute suffer- 
ing to the workers, great losses to the employers 
and to the community as a whole. 

No matter how complete the arrangements may 
be for dealing with industrial disputes, they some- 
times fail to effect their purpose, and the parties 
resort to a trial of strength. When this takes place 
each side stands on its dignity, fearing that an 
advance towards conciliation may prejudice its 
position ; hence the necessity for the creation of a 
new, impartial, non-political Government Depart- 
ment to deal with these deadlocks. 

Let me by way of illustration explain the modus 
operandi of dealing with disputes in the cotton 
spinning industry. In November, 1892, a dispute 
arose which led to a cessation of work of the Federa- 
tion Mills for twenty weeks. This was eventually 
settled by an Industrial Treaty which has since 
been known as the Brooklands Agreement. 

This agreement declares in its preamble that 
" the representatives of the employers and the 
representatives of the employed hereby admit that 
disputes and differences between them are inimical 
to the interests of both parties, and that it is 
expedient and desirable that some means should 
be adopted for the future whereby such disputes 
and differences may be expeditiously and amicably 
settled and strikes and lockouts avoided." 

All matters of difference likely to arise in the 
carrying on of the industry are provided for with 



much minuteness, yet there is one vital flaw in this 
Agreement, viz., that it does not provide for dead- 
locks. This Agreement has for eighteen years 
regulated the negotiations between employers and 
operatives in the spinning branch of the cotton in- 

As in most industries any lengthened dislocation 
arising in one section causes the others eventually 
to stop, so in an industry of such magnitude as the 
cotton industry, which, in addition to providing 
for our home requirements, represents one-third of 
our total exports of manufactures, a lengthened 
dislocation has a most serious effect upon all indus- 
tries, and indeed upon our national welfare. 

The Brooklands Agreement has formed a basis 
of most of the agreements which have been entered 
into, since it was formulated, between employers 
and employed in the other staple industries. Sup- 
ported on both sides by strong organisations, the 
Brooklands Agreement has been faithfully kept, 
although differences of opinion as to the reading 
of some of its clauses have arisen from time to time. 
Where a clause has been shown to operate 
inequitably as between one side and the other, 
amendments have been made. The satisfactory 
working of this Agreement is shown by the fact 
that although disputes have frequently reached an 
acute stage, only on two occasions has an entire 
rupture occurred, both being brought about by one 
section of the operatives, but affecting the whole 
industry. This is a vast change from the eighteen 
years prior to the signing of the Brooklands Agree- 



ment, when strikes and lockouts were very frequent. 
Had this state of things continued, there is little 
doubt that half the cotton trade of England would 
have been lost. 

Some particulars of the operation of the Brook- 
lands Agreement in dealing with disputes may be 

If a grievance in any particular mill occurs and 
the complaint of the operatives cannot be satisfac- 
torily dealt with by the employer, the secretary of 
the local Employers' Association and the local 
Trade Union secretary immediately take the matter 
in hand with a view to satisfactorily settling the 
dispute. If they fail, a small Joint Committee of 
the local Associations on both sides is summoned. 
The meeting must be held within seven days, and 
is attended by three representatives from the 
respective associations of employers and operatives 
along with their secretaries. Should these fail to 
arrive at a settlement, the matter is then taken out 
of the hands of the local Associations and referred 
to the Operatives' Amalgamation and the 
Employers' Federation, and a joint meeting, which 
must be held within seven days, is arranged, and 
the dispute is adjudicated upon by an entirely 
different joint committee. 

In the case of disputes affecting the trade as a 
whole, these are dealt with by the Employers' 
Federation on the one hand and the Operatives' 
Amalgamation on the other. A joint meeting for 
the discussion of the complaint or demand must 



be held after the stipulated month's notice is given 
by either side. 

With the other regulations which have to be ob- 
served a considerable time must elapse before a 
crisis is reached either in a local or general dispute. 

At the close of a general dispute in 1905, in the 
spinning section of the cotton industry, a clause 
was added to the terms of settlement which bound 
both sides to meet for the purposes of formulating 
a scheme for the regulation of wages according 
to the state of trade. A scheme for this purpose 
was afterwards formulated which provides three 
sets of experts, who are not only independent of 
the employers and operatives, but are each indepen- 
dent of the other, the first dealing with the pur- 
chase of the raw material, the second with the sale 
of the yarn, and the third with the gross margin 
arrived at between the price paid for the raw 
material and the price obtained for the yarn, and 
from this, to ascertain, after deducting all the 
expenses (which vary according to the time under 
review), what return is left on the capital employed, 
and whether a rise or fall in wages in accordance 
with the Brooklands Agreement is warranted. It 
will be seen that all speculation for a rise or fall in 
the market is entirely eliminated. The Brooklands 
Agreement does not admit of more or less than a 
5 per cent, rise or fall in wages at a time. After an 
experimental test of this scheme had been made at 
mutually selected mills, it was agreed there should 
be no change of wages for five years from July, 
1910, and that v\-hen a change was made, either up 



or down, it should be made for two years, instead 
of twelve months as originally provided for by the 
Brooklands Agreement. 

In an industry so highly technical as that of 
cotton spinning only those engaged in the industry 
can be expected to have either the knowledge or 
the experience which would entitle them to give 
an opinion upon technical points of dispute when 
they arise, but this last process for dealing with a 
dispute regarding the rise or fall in wages from 
which the greatest fear of deadlock is to be expected, 
would materially assist an Industrial Court to 
arrive at an equitable decision. Notwithstanding 
everything that has been done there is always a 
possibility of a break-off of negotiations, therefore 
means must be found for trying to prevent a strike 
or lockout beginning, or for bringing the dis- 
putants together when this occurs for the purpose 
of settling the dispute, and this is where the work 
of the proposed Industrial Court would begin. In 
the cotton spinning industry the intervention of 
third parties has never been popular either with 
employers or operatives. Where intervention has 
taken place, the good offices of the third parties 
have been confined almost entirely to convening a 
conference of the disputants when they had broken 
off. Disputes have always ultimately been settled 
by negotiations carried on between the parties 
themselves. The interdependence of industries 
and the suffering inflicted by a strike upon such a 
large proportion of the community who have no 
voice in the dispute renders it necessary that sooner 



or later intervention in a dispute in one of the staple 
industries must come if the disputants themselves 
will not agree to a settlement. This being the case, 
I contend that it would be to the benefit of everyone 
employers, workers, and the community at large, 
if an industrial court existed to which reference 
could be voluntarily made when a deadlock in the 
negotiations has ensued. 

In July last, during the dispute in the various 
transport trades, I ventured for the first time to 
make public the plan which I had, until then, been 
advocating privately, to prevent if possible the re- 
currence of such an industrial upheaval as that 
from which we were then suffering an upheaval 
which completely paralysed the trade of the greatest 
commercial centre of the world, involving enor- 
mous loss to the community, and causing intense 
suffering amongst the poor, the families of the 
strikers being perhaps the greatest sufferers. 

Briefly, the scheme which I have proposed would 
involve the creation of a new department, with a 
permanent non-political chairman, deputy, and 
staff, together with an advisory body consisting of 
the men both on the side of Capital and Labour 
who hold the most prominent positions in connec- 
tion with the staple industries of the country, men 
who have had to deal with the general disputes 
which have occurred from time to time in these 
industries. Of course the proposed advisory body 
would only be called together in the event of a dead- 
lock arising in disputes affecting the staple indus- 
tries, which are interdependent and which seriously 



affect the national welfare. Smaller disputes would 
be dealt with by the permanent official staff. 

The work of this new department is not intended 
to interfere in the slightest degree with the existing 
organisations of employers or workmen or existing 
Conciliation Boards. I am, and always have been, 
entirely in favour of collective bargaining. I want 
to see both the employers' and the workmen's 
organisations as strong as possible. What my 
scheme suggests is that when efficiently organised 
bodies come to a deadlock in negotiations over a 
disputed matter they should take their case before 
a tribunal capable of giving an impartial decision. 
My proposals follow the lines of the Brooklands 
Agreement in the cotton industry. The dispute 
would be taken for the time being out of the hands 
of the combatants. They would be free to accept 
the offices of the independent tribunal and state 
their case to men representing the widest experience 
of both Capital and Labour. There is no sugges- 
tion of arbitrarily enforcing that tribunal's deci- 
sion. On the contrary, both parties will have per- 
fect freedom to reject or accept it, and my proposals 
contain nothing to prevent the employers ultimately 
declaring a lockout or the workmen coming out on 
strike. What the tribunal would ensure is that 
the matters in dispute would have calm and dis- 
passionate consideration, and as a consequence the 
finding of the tribunal would carry great weight. 

Before such a tribunal as I suggest, I am con- 
vinced that genuine grievances would receive a fair 
hearing and exorbitant demands would be con- 



demned. Capital and Labour each has its rights, 
which in the interests of both must be respected. 

The publicity given to my scheme evoked the 
widest support in the press, and there have been 
many advocates of its adoption. On July I7th last, 
Mr. Asquith (Prime Minister), replying to a ques- 
tion by Mr. G. N. Barnes (Blackfriars Division, 
Glasgow), said : 

" My attention has been called to the letter 1 to 
which my honourable friend has referred. I can 
assure him that any feasible and properly sup- 
ported plan which might tend to prevent or 
shorten industrial warfare would receive the 
earnest attention of the Government." 
With a view to obtaining support for proposals 
which I felt sure would commend themselves very 
generally, I put myself into communication with 
the heads of the great municipalities throughout 
the United Kingdom, inviting their co-operation 
and through them the support of prominent repre- 
sentatives of Capital and Labour in their localities. 
In a very short time I found that my proposals 
were viewed with sympathy all over the country. 
Although this work was begun and has had to 

1 The letter referred to was written by me to the Lord Mayor 
of Manchester on July 10th last, dealing with the subject. I 
was much aided at the commencement of my work by the Lord 
Mayor of Manchester (Mr. Chas. Behrens), who not only heartily 
endorsed the proposals but lent his great influence to secure their 
adoption. The admirable letter which he wrote me in support of 
the scheme must have produced a deep impression upon the other 
chief magistrates whose co-operation was invited. 



be carried on during the principal holiday season 
of the year, the response has been of the most en- 
couraging character. The heads of many of our 
large municipalities, captains of industry and com- 
merce, and many of the best known labour leaders 
in the great industries, have signed the memorial in 
favour of my proposals, and I am receiving addi- 
tional support daily, on the return to business after 
the holidays, from those who were unable to 
respond on account of absence. 

On August 1 5th, by invitation of the Prime 
Minister and the President of the Board of Trade, 
the Presidents of some of the most important 
federations of employers met at 10, Downing Street, 
for an informal exchange of views on the industrial 
position, and later in the day a corresponding 
meeting of leading representatives of the large trade 
unions was also held. Although considerable dis- 
appointment has been expressed that no announce- 
ment of the result of these meetings has yet been 
issued, I have it on the highest authority that the 
Government is giving the most careful considera- 
tion to the whole question of the amicable settlement 
of industrial disputes. 

Various schemes, including the Bill promoted by 
Mr. Will Crooks, M.P., have been brought forward 
for the settlement of labour disputes. In most, if 
not all of these, there is an element of compulsion. 
My long experience has taught me that compulsion 
is not practicable. Although by the adoption of 
compulsory measures there may have been some 
degree of success in the colonies, it must not be lost 



sight of that the industries there are of small dimen- 
sions compared with those in the United Kingdom. 

I have been informed that in Australia, where 
a strike had been declared and carried on in direct 
opposition to the law, the strikers marched in pro- 
cession declaring that they had broken the law with 
intent, asking the authorities at the same time to 
lock them up. It will be readily seen that even 
with a body of 10,000, or perhaps 20,000 men, how 
impossible was the situation in Australia. How 
much more would it be with industries employing 
hundreds of thousands of workmen. 

As an illustration of the interdependence of 
industries, I might cite the instance of how seri- 
ously the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway Com- 
pany is affected by a prolonged dispute in the 
cotton industry, and vice versa. A dispute in the 
transport services has recentlr had the effect, not 
only of stopping 20 million spindles, but of paralys- 
ing two of the greatest distributing centres in the 
world Manchester and Liverpool. The effects of 
the dispute are to be found in the enormous 
pecuniary loss which the community has suffered. 

I have tried to show that the creation of an In- 
dustrial Tribunal is a matter of supreme importance 
to the national welfare, and it is to be hoped that 
everyone will realise the absolute necessity for pro- 
viding efficient means for dealing with our indus- 
trial position as a whole. 

In conclusion, I will summarise the main points 
of my scheme and the advantages which would 
accrue if my proposals were put into operation : 



1. The most experienced men connected with the 

conduct of the great industries, and repre- 
senting both Capital and Labour, would be 
brought into close personal contact. 

It is clear to me that if we are to main- 
tain our industrial and commercial pre- 
eminence, those representative men must 
take a more prominent position than they 
have done hitherto in dealing with the 
great problems affecting both industry and 

2. To the Industrial Tribunal could be referred 

all problems for dealing adequately with the 
industrial position as a whole. 

3. All industries are interdependent, and indi- 

vidual industries are frequently paralysed by 
disputes arising with one section of that in- 

4. Efficient organisation, on both sides, being 

necessary for the conduct and smooth work- 
ing of all industries, it follows that recogni- 
tion by representatives of Capital of the right 
of workmen to combine and to confer is 

5. Experience in the past has proved that there is 

little chance of agreements being repudiated 
when both sides are efficiently organised. 

6. Conversely, when either the employers' or 

workmen's organisations are inefficient the 
repudiation of both leaders and agreements 
may follow. 



7. It is doubtful if any legal enactment could be 

formulated which could compel large bodies 
of men to work if they decided not to work, 
and, equally, no law could be formulated 
which could compel them to keep agreements 
entered into between representatives of 
Capital and Labour. 

8. A fair hearing of a case in dispute by an im- 

partial tribunal, and the publicity given, if 
necessary, to the hearing and to the award, 
would ensure the redress of just grievances 
on the one hand, and the resistance of un- 
reasonable demands on the other. 

9. The great "third party," which includes not 

only the organised workers in other trades, 
but the army of unorganised workers, and 
the innumerable commercial and other 
interests which would be seriously prejudiced 
by a strike or lock-out, would join forces in 
their denunciation of either a strike or lock- 
out which was entered upon without the 
matter in dispute being referred to the Indus- 
trial Tribunal, or in the event of non-accept- 
ance of the award, after submission to the 

This power, together with the support 
of the Press, exercised against a strike or 
lock-out entered into and continued with- 
out applying to the Court, or against the 
Court's award, would be the most powerful 


influence that could be exerted in termi- 
nating such a dispute, and it would go far 
to render both strikes and lock-outs un- 

10. Interference with the right to strike or to lock-" 

out would probably seriously militate against 
the efficiency of the organisation of both 
sides. All that can be done is make it 
extremely difficult for the dislocations to 

11. It must always be remembered that the adop- 

tion of my proposals would not interfere with 
any existing organisation of employers or 
workpeople, or with any conciliation board. 
The Industrial Tribunal would only be 
brought into operation when these had failed 
to effect settlements. 



After the publication of the foregoing article in 
statement was issued by the Board of Trade, 1 dated 
October loth, 1911 : 

His Majesty's Government have recently had 
under consideration the best means of strengthen- 
ing and improving the existing official machinery 
for settling and for shortening industrial disputes 
by which the general public are adversely affected. 
With this end in view, consultations have recently 

1. Government Blue Book Report on Enquiry into Industrial 
Agreements. Cd. 6952. 1913. 



taken place between the Prime Minister and the 
President of the Board of Trade, and a number of 
representative employers and workmen specially 
conversant with the principal staple industries of 
the country and with the various methods adopted 
in those industries for the preservation of peaceful 
relations between employers and employed. 

Following on these consultations, and after con- 
sideration of the whole question, the President of 
the Board of Trade, on behalf of His Majesty's 
Government, has established an Industrial Council 
representative of employers and workmen. The 
Council has been established for the purpose of 
considering and of inquiring into matters referred 
to them affecting trade disputes ; and especially of 
taking suitable action in regard to any dispute 
referred to them affecting the principal trades of 
the country, or likely to cause disagreements involv- 
ing the auxiliary trades, or which the parties before 
or after the breaking out of a dispute are themselves 
unable to settle. 

In taking this course the Government do not 
desire to interfere with but rather to encourage and 
to foster such voluntary methods or agreements as 
are now in force, or are likely to be adopted for the 
prevention of stoppage of work or for the settlement 
of disputes. But it is thought desirable that the 
operations of the Board of Trade in the discharge 
of their duties under the Conciliation Act, 1896, 
should be supplemented and strengthened, and that 
effective means should be available for referring 
such difficulties as may arise in a trade to investiga- 



tioii, conciliation, or arbitration, as the case may 

The Council will not have any compulsory 

The following gentlemen, in their individual 
capacity, have accepted Mr. Sydney Buxton's invi- 
tation to serve on the Council : 


Mr. George Ainsworth. Chairman of the Steel Ingot Makers' 

Sir Hugh Bell, Bt., J. P. President of the Iron, Steel and 
Allied Trades Federation, and Chairman of the Cleveland Mine 
Owners' Association. 

Sir G. H. Claughton, Bt., J.P. Chairman of the London and 
North-Western Railway Company. 

Mr. W. A. Clowes. Chairman of the London Master Printers' 

Mr. J. H. C. Crockett. President of the Incorporated Federated 
Associations of Boot and Shoe Manufacturers of Great Britain 
and Ireland. 

Mr. F. L. Davis, J.P. Chairman of the South Wales Coal 
Conciliation Board. 

Mr. T. L. Devitt. Chairman of the Shipping Federation, 

Sir Thomas R. Ratcliffe Ellis. Secretary of the Lancashire and 
Cheshire Coal Owners' Association and Joint Secretary of the 
Board of Conciliation of the Coal Trade of the Federated 
Districts, etc. 

Mr. F. W. Gibbins. Chairman of the Welsh Plate and Sheet 
Manufacturers' Association. 

Sir Charles W. Macara, Bt., J.P. President of the Federation 
of Master Cotton Spinners' Associations. 

Mr. Robert Thompson, J.P., M. P. Past President of the 
Ulster Flax Spinners' Association. 


Mr. Alexander Siemens. Chairman of the Executive Board of 
the Engineering Employers' Federation. 

Mr. J. W. White. President of the National Building Trades 
Employers' Federation. 


Right Hon. Thomas Burt, M.P. General Secretary of the 
Northumberland Miners' Mutual Confident Association. 

Mr. T. Ashton, J.P. Secretary of the Miners' Federation of 
Great Britain and General Secretary of the Lancashire and 
Cheshire Miners' Federation. 

Mr. C. W. Bowerman, M.P. Secretary of the Parliamentary 
Committee of the Trades Union Congress and President of the 
Printing and Kindred Trades Federation of the United Kingdom. 

Mr. F. Chandler, J.P. General Secretary of the Amalgamated 
Society of Carpenters and Joiners. 

Mr. J. R. dynes, J.P., M.P. Organising Secretary of the 
National Union of Gasworkers and General Labourers of Great 
Britain and Ireland. 

Mr. H. Gosling. President of the National Transport Workers' 
Federation and General Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of 
Watermen, Lightermen, and Watchmen of River Thames. 

Right Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P. Friendly Society of 

Mr. John Hodge, M.P. General Secretary of the British 
Steel Smelters, Mill, Iron, and Tinplate Workers' Amalgamated 

Mr. W. Mosses. General Secretary of the Federation of 
Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades and of the United Pattern- 
makers' Association. 

Mr. W. Mullin, J. P. President of the United Textile Factory 
Workers' Association and General Secretary of the Amalgamated 
Association of Card and Blowing Room Operatives. 

Mr. E. L. Poulton. General Secretary of the National Union 
of Boot and Shoe Operatives. 

Mr. Alexander Wilkie, J.P., M.P. Secretary of the Shipyard 
Standing Committee under the National Agreement of 1909 and 



General Secretary of the Shipconstructive and Shipwrights' 

Mr. J. E. Williams. General Secretary of the Amalgamated 
Society of Railway Servants. 

Additions may be made to the above list. 

The members of the Council will in the first instance hold office 
for one year. 

Sir George Askwith, K.C.B., K.C., the present Comptroller- 
General of the Labour Department of the Board of Trade, has 
been appointed to be Chairman of the Industrial Council with 
the title of Chief Industrial Commissioner, and Mr. H. J. Wilson, 
of the Board of Trade, to be Registrar of the Council. 





The following is an extract from the Times report 
of the proceedings in the House of Commons, June 
I4th, 1912 : 

Sir G. Toulmin (Bury, Lanes.) asked the Prime 
Minister whether he had any statement to make in 
fegard to any action which the Government pro- 
posed to take with reference to industrial unrest. 

Mr. Asquith : From the experience derived from 
the industrial disputes which have lately occurred, 
it has become evident that one of the chief difficul- 
ties in the way of peaceful and friendly relations 
between employers and men is the want of effective 
methods for securing the due observance of indus- 
trial agreements by both sides. Further, where 
agreements are come to between employers and 
workmen in regard to conditions of employment, 
the agreement, though binding on those who are 
parties to it, is not binding on the whole of the 
trade or district. 

These matters affect the employers and the work- 
men alike, and it seems essential to ascertain (i) 
what is the best method of securing the due fulfil- 
ment of industrial agreements; (2) how far indus- 
trial agreements which are made between repre- 



sentative bodies of employers and of workmen 
should be enforced throughout the particular trade 
or district. 

The Government are anxious to have inquiry 
made into the matter, and to receive advice from 
those best qualified to give it. In these circum- 
stances they propose to refer the above question to 
the Industrial Council, which is representative of 
the employers and of the men in the great indus- 
tries of the country ; to request the Council carefully 
to consider the matter ; to take such evidence as they 
may think fit ; and to report to the Government any 
conclusions to which they may come. The view 
of the Government has been strengthened by the 
following resolution of the Industrial Council, who 
considered the matter yesterday : 

" The question of the maintenance of industrial 
agreements having come before the Industrial 
Council, that Council are of opinion that this sub- 
ject is of the highest importance to employers and 
trade unions and workpeople generally, and would 
welcome an immediate inquiry into the matter." 
The resolution was agreed to unanimously. 
The Government are, therefore, requesting the 
Industrial Council to undertake the inquiry, and 
they will give the most earnest attention to any 
recommendations which the Council may be able 
to make. 

Mr. Bonar Law (Lancashire, Bootle) : Do we 
understand that the terms of the reference to the 
Council will strictly limit them not merely to an 
inquiry as to the best means of getting agreements 



carried out, but to the consideration of the pro- 
posals made by the Government ? Will the 
reference be wider than is indicated in the right hon. 
gentleman's answer? 

Mr. Asquith repeated the terms of the reference. 

Mr. Bonar Law : Does not the second head of the 
reference limit the Industrial Council rather more 
than is desirable ? Would it not be better to leave 
it to the Council themselves to consider the best 
method of inquiry ? 

Mr. Asquith : It is intended that they should. If 
the right hon. gentleman thinks that the words are 
not adequate for the purpose, I will have them re- 
moulded. I quite agree that should be within the 
purview of the inquiry. 

Mr. Ramsay Macdonald (Leicester, Lab.): Will 
the Industrial Council have power to spend money 
in the furtherance of this inquiry ; will the Indus- 
trial Council itself sit as a committee of inquiry; 
and is it the intention of the Government that the 
evidence taken will be published as well as the 
report of the Industrial Council ? 

Mr. Asquith : In regard to the first point, what- 
ever funds are necessary will be placed at the dis- 
posal of the Industrial Council. I take it that they 
will hear relevant evidence from whatever quarter 
it is tendered. As to the publication of the evi- 
dence, that is a question which had better be con- 
sidered later. The Government will consult with 
the Industrial Council, and I will give a reply on 

Mr. Clynes asked whether the settlement of the 



Transport Workers' dispute was not delayed or 
prevented by the refusal of the employers to meet 
the men. 

Mr. Asquith : I hardly think that arises out of my 
answer. As I stated two days ago, so far as the 
Government are concerned, our good offices are 
In the House of Commons on June i8th : 

Mr. Ramsay Macdonald (Leicester, Lab.) asked 
the Prime Minister whether it was proposed that 
the Industrial Council was to take evidence in the 
inquiry into industrial agreements in public; and 
whether that evidence was to be published. 

Mr. Asquith : I am informed that the Industrial 
Council are of opinion that the hearing of any evi- 
dence which the Council may take upon the matter 
referred to them should be open to the Press, and 
the notes of the evidence ultimately be published. 1 

1. This enquiry occupied 38 long sittings, 92 witnesses were 
examined, and a Parliamentary Blue Book (665 pages) was issued. 
Minutes of Evidence taken before the Industrial Council in 
connection with their Enquiry into Industrial Agreements. Cd. 
6953. 1913. 



(Paper read by Sir Charles W. Macara, Bart., 
before the British Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science, on Wednesday, September 
8th, 1915.) 

The subject we have to-day met to discuss viz., 
the relationship between Capital and Labour is 
one of supreme importance at any time, but more 
especially so at a time of national crisis such as that 
through which we are at present passing. 

In the early days of the war, I was one of those 
approached by representatives of the Government 
regarding the effect the war would have upon indus- 
try, and what could be done to minimise the disloca- 
tion that was certain to ensue and to keep the work- 
people employed as much as possible. 

Recognising the colossal task with which the 
Government was confronted, and that it was essen- 
tial that the assistance of the most experienced 
practical men should be taken advantage of, I 
strongly advocated J;hat all existing organisations 
of capital and labour, and indeed of every kind, 
should be at once brought into requisition in pre- 
ference to forming new ones to deal with the crisis. 
There is ample correspondence to prove, and resolu- 
tions have been passed and published shewing that 
this supremely important matter has been urged on 

1. Reprinted from " Credit, Industry and War," 1915, edited 
A. W. Kirkaldy, M.A. 



the Government without avail. Everyone who has 
had experience of such work will realise that 
creating new organisations cannot be efficiently 
carried out without expenditure of much time and 
labour, whereas it is comparatively easy to adapt 
existing organisations to deal with great and sudden 
emergencies and time is an all-important factor. 

Having visited many of the principal countries of 
the world, and having studied their methods of 
working, this country is as well organised as any, 
but the Government has not understood how to 
utilise existing organisations as they should have 
done, and in this respect we have been placed at 
a disadvantage with enemy countries whose Govern- 
ments, on the outbreak of war, at once utilised all 
their existing organisations, and deputed to their 
most experienced industrial and commercial organ- 
isers, definite and important duties in connection 
with the carrying on of the war. Had this been 
done in England, instead of Ministers keeping 
matters in their own hands, it is my opinion that 
we could have faced this great upheaval much more 
effectively than has been the case. 

Efficient co-operation of the industrial, com- 
mercial, financial, scientific, transport, and labour 
interests with the Government would have enabled 
our enormous resources to have been brought into 
requisition from the very commencement of the war. 

As it is, after twelve months of war we are only 
now realising what proper co-ordination of all our 
vast resources might have accomplished indeed, 
the difference so far as practical results are con- 



cerned between thorough organisation and the re- 
verse can scarcely, be comprehended. It is un- 
fortunate that the services of men who have led 
the great organisations of capital and labour have 
not been taken advantage of to anything like the 
extent they should have been. 

Had this co-operation between the various organ- 
isations existed, it might have been possible to have 
dealt more effectively with the problems connected 
with the supply of the necessaries of life, which, I 
pointed out to the Government, would not only con- 
stitute the chief difficulty in carrying on the war, 
but would be the main factor in terminating the 
struggle. Certainly, so far as this country is con- 
cerned, much might have been done to prevent the 
undue rise in prices which has inflicted hardships 
upon all, and especially on the working people, and 
has been the main cause of the industrial unrest 
that exists. On the other hand, nothing could 
have been more splendid than the response of the 
nation to the call to arms, and the magnificent and 
unprecedented heroism and self-sacrifice which have 
been displayed but, again, the failing has been 
the want of co-ordination of the resources in men 
with the resources for the production of the muni- 
tions of war, which I believe the National Register 
will speedily remedy. 

It is useless, however, dwelling upon the errors 
of the past which cannot now be altered, and the 
only object in referring to them is that in the future 
full advantage may be taken of the experience 



gained, so that the vast resources of the nation may 
be utilised to the fullest extent. 

My long connection with the cotton industry, one 
of the greatest and most complex of our national 
interests, has compelled my giving a large amount 
of attention to the relationship between capital and 
labour, not in this industry alone, but has brought 
me into close personal touch with many of the 
leaders of capital and labour in other staple indus- 
tries, all of which are interdependent. 

It has been my endeavour over a long term of 
years to impart as much information as possible 
regarding what might be considered the employers' 
view of the carrying on of the industries to those 
who were selected by the working people to safe- 
guard their interests. By so doing I felt that the 
realisation of the employers' and workpeople's 
interests being identical, would go a long way to 
smoothing over the differences which from time to 
time arise, and would help to prevent disputes re- 
garding the division of the profits of industry, and 
also to promote mutual respect for the rights of 

I attribute the comparative freedom from general 
stoppages in the cotton industry during the past 
twenty years an immense change from the condi- 
tions that obtained in the previous twenty years 
to the operation of the famous Charter which termi- 
nated the twenty weeks' struggle in 1892-93, and 
which declares in its preamble that " the representa- 
tives of the employers and the representatives of the 
employed hereby admit that disputes and differences 



- - iS 3 


between them are inimical to the interests of both 
parties, and that it is expedient and desirable that 
some means should be adopted for the future where- 
by such disputes and differences may be expediti- 
ously and amicably settled and strikes and lock-outs 
avoided." Other important factors are the educa- 
tional work that has been extensively carried on, 
and the co-operation of the representatives of the 
operatives with the representatives of the employers 
in the promotion of public-spirited movements for 
the maintenance and extension of an industry which 
plays such a prominent part in our national welfare. 
I have endeavoured to carry this educational work 
still further, and, after numerous conferences, a plan 
was devised and has now been in operation for a 
number of years, whereby outside experts, who are 
independent of both workpeople and employers, and 
each independent of the other, are brought in, and 
by the aid of a tabulation of thoroughly reliable 
statistics it is possible to shew accurately the profits 
of the industry at any given time or over a period 
of years. This scheme provides automatic arbitra- 
tion without an arbitrator. 

Another great factor in preventing wages dis- 
putes in the cotton trade during the past twenty 
years has been the limiting of the percentage of the 
rise and fall of wages, and also that when any 
change has taken place a certain time must elapse 
before any further change can occur. It is much 
to be desired that this condition could be agreed 
upon in all industries. When fully explained, the 
simplicity of the scheme for ascertaining profits and 



its fairness is at once apparent, and I believe it is 
capable of being adapted to almost any industry. 
Disputes very often arise from an exaggerated view 
of the return on capital invested in industry gener- 
ally, and if some means can be devised by which 
this can be fairly accurately gauged it would often 
prevent unreasonable demands being made by work- 
people or the refusals on the part of employers to 
share in prosperity. 

When industries are well organised on both sides, 
and vicissitudes arise which may render it necessary 
to temporarily curtail production, co-operation 'be- 
tween the organisations of employers and work- 
people might be requisitioned with most beneficial 

Feeling strongly that many disputes might be 
avoided by thorough investigation by practical men 
when a deadlock arises, I conceived the idea of the 
Government appointing a body consisting of an 
equal number of thoroughly experienced representa- 
tives of capital and labour connected with the staple 
industries of the country, which, as I have already 
said, are interdependent. After securing the ap- 
proval of many of the most prominent leaders of 
capital and labour, the Industrial Council was ap- 
pointed by the Government in October, 1911, and 
high hopes were entertained as to the services this 
body would render in the cause of industrial peace. 
But for some reason which it is difficult to under- 
stand, and which has never been explained, this 
body was only utilised to a very limited extent 
before the war, and, notwithstanding the very con- 



siderable industrial unrest that has occurred since 
the war, it has not been utilised at all. 

Another matter which js equally inexplicable is 
that the result of an extensive inquiry into industrial 
agreements and their observance which was deputed 
by the Government to the Industrial Council, and 
which occupied 38 long sittings in 1912-13, has 
never been utilised. 

A perusal of the report that was issued proves 
conclusively not only the desirability of, but the 
absolute necessity for, the thorough organisation of 
both capital and labour, and that where this obtains 
disputes are usually settled between the parties 
themselves. The main obstacle to the perfecting 
of these organisations is the selfishness of a small 
minority of both employers and workpeople, who 
remain outside the various organisations, but who 
do not hesitate to take full advantage of the public- 
spirited and self-sacrificing work of the majority. 

A good deal has been said about trade-union 
limitation of output. I venture to express the 
opinion that this is against the true interests of 
labour indeed, it would be on a par with the perse- 
cution of the great inventors who have done more 
than any other men to improve the position of 
labour, and to place England in the proud position 
of being the greatest industrial and commercial 
nation of the world. 

I am personally acquainted with many of the 
official representatives of labour in the staple indus- 
tries, and upon the whole I have formed a high 
opinion of their capacity and fairness, and it is only 



by the rank and file following their leaders that they 
can hope to be successful in securing their legiti- 
mate rights an army without leaders can accom- 
plish nothing. 

The inquiry by the Industrial Council, already 
referred to, also demonstrated that compulsory arbi- 
tration for large bodies of men by legal enactment 
is impossible, and therefore it should never have 
been included in the " Munitions Act." 

I hold strongly that the interference of politicians 
with industrial disputes is calculated to generate 
bitterness between capital and labour, and often 
leads to inconclusive settlements which are against 
the best interests of the industries. It is not to be 
expected that it is possible for those who devote 
their whole energies to politics to have the necessary 
knowledge of the intricacies of the numerous indus- 
tries or the varying conditions under which they 
are carried on. 

The employers have the idea that this interference 
places them at a disadvantage, and that such a 
feeling should exist, although the workpeople may 
gain an immediate apparent advantage, is ulti- 
mately prejudicial to the real interests of industrial 
peace and the national welfare. In this connection 
I should like to emphasise that a large proportion 
of the gross earnings of industry goes in the pay- 
ment of labour and of the expenses necessary to the 
running of the industries, and even under normal 
conditions it is only a small margin that is left to 
remunerate those who have invested their capital. 
In the event of such a crisis as the present, this may 



not only vanish but there may be a diminution of 
capital, and it must be borne in mind that the em- 
ployers' resources are not unlimited. 

The effect of the war on industry has been most 
varied. Certain industries have been exceptionally 
profitable ; others have suffered severely, notably 
the cotton industry, which is dependent for over 
three-quarters of its employment upon export trade 
in competition with many other countries. To deal 
with the wages question without taking into con- 
sideration the varying copditions is obviously un- 
fair. A late President of the Board of Trade made 
a statement a year or two ago that a sum of no less 
than ^2,400,000,000 is invested in joint-stock com- 
panies alone in the United Kingdom. This vast 
capital belongs to millions of people and is the 
accumulated savings of brain and muscle, many 
small investors depending upon it for their living. 
There may be therefore quite as much suffering 
among them from the effects of the war as among 
the workpeople for whom this capital finds employ- 
ment. A thorough investigation into all the circum- 
stances is absolutely necessary before giving any 
award in a wages dispute, instead of, as is too fre- 
quently done, ignoring these considerations or 
splitting the difference. If it is proved that an in- 
dustry is making exceptional profits it is only fair 
that the workpeople, who may be involved in extra 
strain, should share in this prosperity, but in the 
event of an industry being adversely affected this 
policy might, in the long run, result in the work- 
people being thrown out of work altogether. 



It would be difficult to conceive any better method 
for preventing or settling disputes than such a body 
as the Industrial Council. To this Council the 
Government should refer all disputes that the 
parties themselves fail to settle, and the decision 
should be published. 

In any dispute in a staple industry which results 
in a strike or lock-out, it is not only the combatants 
that suffer, but enormous numbers of people who 
have no direct interest in the dispute are deprived 
of their means of livelihood ; indeed, it must never 
be overlooked that the whole trade of the country 
is one vast organism, and it' is essential that the 
national welfare must have the primary considera- 
tion in any dispute that may arise. 

Any refusal of the parties to a dispute to submit 
their case to a tribunal composed of an equal num- 
ber of experienced representatives of capital and 
labour with a non-political chairman appointed by 
the Government, would be strong presumptive evi- 
dence against the fairness of their demands, and 
the impression made on those whose interests are 
seriously prejudiced by the dispute, and on the 
public generally, is the only compulsion possible, 
and it would usually be effective. 

In this paper I have endeavoured to shew : 

1. That harmonious relationship between capital 
and labour is always of the utmost importance, and 
that at a time of great national crisis it is supremely 

2. That in order to cope with such a colossal 



task as that by which the Government was con- 
fronted, the task would have been lightened and 
much would have been gained, had they at once 
enlisted the assistance of experienced industrial 
organisers, and co-ordinated all existing organisa- 

3. That the United Kingdom is as well organised 
as any other nation, and had there been effective 
co-operation of the industrial, commercial, financial, 
scientific, transport, and labour interests with the 
Government from the commencement of the war, 
the position in every respect to-day would have been 
vastly better than it is. 

4. That by the co-ordination of these interests, 
the problems connected with the supply of the 
necessaries of Ifie, and with the undue raising of 
prices of commodities, might have been coped with 
much more successfully than they have been. 

5. That the rise in the prices of commodities has 
undoubtedly been the main factor in creating indus- 
trial unrest. 

6. That the only object in calling attention to the 
errors of the past is that we might profit by the 
experience gained, and so utilise to the utmost the 
vast resources at disposal. 

7. That the interference by politicians with indus- 
trial disputes is to be strongly deprecated, often 
leading to inconclusive settlements, it being im- 
possible for them to have the necessary knowledge 
of the intricacies of the different industries or their 
varied conditions of working ; that such interference 
only engenders bitterness and does ultimate harm. 



8. That thorough organisation of both capital 
and labour is essential to the smooth working of the 
industries, and that where this is the case, disputes 
are generally settled by negotiations between the 
parties themselves. 

9. That disputes frequently arise from an 
exaggerated estimate of the return on capital, and 
that schemes for ascertaining this return should 
be promoted, as exaggerated views often lead to un- 
reasonable demands. 

10. That the Industrial Council, which was ap- 
pointed by the Government in 1911, and which is 
composed of an equal representation of capital and 
labour, with a non-political chairman, has not been 
utilised since the outbreak of war, that no adequate 
explanation of this has been offered, and that the 
valuable report of its inquiry into industrial agree- 
ments has not been made use of. 

11. That the enforcement of compulsory arbitra- 
tion where large bodies of men are concerned is an 
impossibility, and that an inquiry into the merits 
of a dispute by experienced men representing 
capital and labour, and the publicity given to its 

findings, would, together with public opinion 
generally, supply the only effective compulsion. 

12. That trade-union limitation of output is 
against the best interests of labour. 

13. That official representatives of labour are 
generally men of capacity and fairness, deserving 
of the confidence of the rank and file. 

14. That the effect of the war upon industries has 
been varied, and that any war bonus or wages ad- 


vance should only be granted after full investigation 
by leaders of capital and labour. 


In conclusion, I have endeavoured to deal with 
a complex problem from the standpoint of one who 
has during the past twenty years been frequently 
placed in the difficult position of having to preside 
over conferences of masters and men in connection 
with disputes, while occupying the position of Presi- 
dent of the Masters' Federation during that period. 
Whatever success may have attended this work is 
mainly attributable to being able to eliminate per- 
sonal interests, and to view matters solely from the 
standpoint of endeavouring to act fairly between 
man and man. From a wide experience I have 
come to the conclusion that nothing is gained from 
strikes and lock-outs ; that the leaders of capital and 
labour have exceptionally heavy responsibilities; 
and that industrial peace, especially at present, is 
absolutely essential. Mistakes and the difficulties 
they cause frequently prove to be blessings in dis- 
guise. So far as the British nation I might say 
Empire is concerned the greater the difficulties to 
be faced, the greater is the energy and determina- 
tion to overcome them. It is fervently to be hoped 
that such an arousing is now taking place and that 
everyone is being made to feel the seriousness of 
the situation, and that all classes must be prepared 
to make any sacrifices that may be necessary to 
ensure the speedy and victorious termination of the 
unprecedented struggle in which we and our Allies 
are engaged in defence of freedom and civilisation. 




" Ardmore," St. Annes-on-the-Sea, 

December i8th, 1909. 
My Dear Sir, 

Having occupied the responsible position of 
President of the Master Cotton Spinners' Federa- 
tion since 1894, an d having also been Chairman 
of the Committee of the International Cotton 
Federation since its inauguration in 1904, it has 
been necessary for me to give attention to all 
problems connected with the cotton industry, the 
development of which has been remarkable. 
Although not a party politician, in view of the 
threatened change in our fiscal policy I consider 
it to be my duty to place before the electors in 
every way I possibly can some facts regarding this 
great industry : 

i . Lancashire, the centre of the cotton industry 
of England, has during the last fifty years 
doubled her population ; she has also doubled 
her cotton machinery, considerably improved 
its efficiency and increased the speed at 
which it is run, with the result that not only 
is there a proportionately greater output, but 
the output is of immensely increased value. 


2. The importance of the cotton industry of 

England may be judged from the fact that its 
products, in addition to providing for our 
home requirements, represent about a third 
of our total exports of manufactures. This 
export trade is about three-quarters of the 
production of our fifty-three-and-a-half million 
spindles and the dependent machinery. These 
exports go to the great neutral markets as 
well as largely to the countries which have a 
cotton industry of their own, 'forming part of 
their exports. There are something like 
seventy-eight million spindles in the other 
twenty-one cotton manufacturing countries. 
Next in importance to England comes the 
United States of America with twenty-eight 
million spindles, then on the continent of 
Europe Germany leads with ten million 
spindles ; in the Far East there are in India 
five-and-a-half million spindles, and about 
one-and-three-quarter millions spindles in 

3. In round figures the cotton crop of the world 

now averages about twenty millions bales, and 
a common fallacy of Tariff Reformers is to 
gauge the value of the cotton industry of the 
respective countries by the weight of raw 
cotton consumed, thus displaying their utter 
inexperience of the conditions under which 
the industry is carried on. England, with 
considerably over one-third of the spindles of 


the world, consumes annually four million 
bales of cotton, whereas the United States of 
America, with about half the number of 
spindles there are in England, consumes five 
million bales, and Germany, with considerably 
less than a fifth of the spindles in England, 
consumes one-and-three-quarter million bales. 
This proves the absurdity of the Tariff 
Reformers' contention. It is obvious that the 
value of the cotton trade of the respective 
countries can really only be gauged by the 
extent of the machinery, the labour employed, 
the fineness, variety, excellence, and value of 
the fabrics produced. 1 

4. A.nother of the gross misrepresentations of the 
advocates of Tariff Reform is that the present 
depression in the cotton trade arises from 
Free Trade. If so, how is it that every other 
cotton manufacturing country in the world, 
most of which are under Protection, is at 
present in the same condition ? I say em- 
phatically that the causes of the present 
world-wide depression in the cotton trade 
have nothing whatever to do with the fiscal 
policy of this or any other country. 

If a careful study had been made of the effect 
Tariff Reform would have upon our greatest manu- 

1. Between 1909 and 1913, the cotton trade throughout the world 
increased in round figures from 131,500,000 to 143,500,000 spindles. 
No tabulation has been possible since the war began. 



facturing industry, I am of opinion it would never 
have been launched, but, from the arguments of the 
advocates of Tariff Reform, it is evident that no 
proper investigation was ever made. From my 
intercourse with the leading men in the cotton trade 
of the world, and consequent knowledge of the 
conditions under which the industry is carried on, 
both at home and abroad, I am convinced that we 
have advantages at present which we should be 
deprived of were Tariff Reform adopted in England. 
Its adoption would, in my opinion, not only enhance 
the cost of building and equipping mills, but it 
would also increase the cost of coal and other 
requisites for running the mills; it would further 
increase the cost of the numerous processes through 
which cotton passes, each of which, like the building, 
equipping, and running of mills, involves a large 
amount of labour; therefore, the accumulated en- 
hancement in the cost of the finished fabrics would 
speedily undermine our position, and sooner or 
later our gigantic export trade in cotton goods would 
pass into other hands. The loss of a trade which 
stands at the head of our exporting industries would 
be a disaster not only to the millions of people 
directly interested in it, but would seriously affect all 
our national activities. In my opinion, none would 
suffer more severely than the great landowners, 
many of which seem to be the strongest advocates 
of Tariff Reform. Their interests and those of the 
agricultural classes are inseparably bound up with 
the prosperity of our great manufacturing industries 
and the power of these industries to maintain and 



extend our enormous export trade. It is well to 
remember that within a radius of fifty miles of the 
Manchester Exchange there is a population of eight 
millions, and this area forms the largest outlet for 
agricultural produce of any similar area within the 
United Kingdom. 

The United Kingdom is pre-eminently an indus- 
trial and commercial nation dependent more than 
any other country for the employment of her popula- 
tion of forty-four millions upon the maintenance 
and expansion of her foreign trade. In protected 
countries the tendency is for the cost of living to 
increase more and more ; this, coupled with the 
demands of labour to obtain the conditions existing 
in England, is undoubtedly reducing the power of 
those nations to successfully compete in the markets 
of the world. 

Tariff Reform once begun in England would most 
assuredly follow the course pursued by the nations 
which have adopted Protection. One result would 
be industrial strife in the endeavour to adjust the 
changed conditions, and the enhancement of the 
cost of production would also speedily follow. Both 
of these would seriously prejudice our power of 
continuing to secure the large share of the trade of 
the world we at present possess. 

My only object in addressing you, as the President 
of the Free Trade Union, which I understand is a 
non-party organisation, is that I am deeply concerned 
about the maintenance of our pre-eminent position 
as a commercial nation. I place this above all 
other issues that are at present before the nation, 



and I hope that the primary consideration of the 
electors will be io return men to Parliament who 
are pledged to continue our Free Trade policy, 
which, circumstanced as we are, is, in my opinion, 
vital to our national welfare. 
I am, 

Yours faithfully, 


To the Rt. Hon. Arnold Morley, 
President, Free Trade Union, 
8, Victoria Street, Westminster, 
London, S.W. 




(Manchester Evening News, January 6th, 1910.) 

Speaking at the Chorlton Town Hall, last night, 
Mr. A. A. Haworth, 1 M.P. for South Manchester, 
Chairman of the Manchester Royal Exchange, and 
a principal of one of the most important cotton 
concerns in the country, said : 

I saw in a Manchester paper this morning a very 
angry article embodying a letter with a certain 
number of signatories to it, some of whom some of 
us have heard of, angry with Mr. Macara because 
he has written certain letters to the Free Trade 
League among other bodies, setting forward his 
views on Tariff Reform as applied to the cotton 
industry of Lancashire. 

Now I am not here in defence of Mr. Macara ; he is 
well able to defend himself, and he might consider it 
an impertinence on my part to put forward anything 
in the nature of a defence on his behalf. But when I 
see a man whom I respect, who has a position in 
the cotton trade which is second to none in the 
whole world of to-day, who has perhaps done more 

1. Now Sir Arthur A. Haworth, Bart. Reprinted from the 
Evening A 7 etr.. January 6th, 1910. 



for the cotton trade than any man who ever lived 
except the great inventors of the self-acting mule, 
the spinning jenny, and the power loom when I 
see him abused as being guilty of writing these 
letters as a political dodge, I, for one, as a private 
individual, desire to enter my protest. 


First of all, Mr. Macara is accused of using his 
position as President of the Federation of Master 
Cotton Spinne'rs at home and Chairman of the 
Federated Cotton Spinners of all the cotton 
spinning countries of the world. But as far as 1 
remember I have not had time to look up the 
letters again they were not written in his capacity 
as Chairman ; they were written from his private 
address at St. Annes-on-the-Sea. He disclaimed 
having any interest in any political party. To my 
knowledge he has always, in the great work he has 
done in organising the cotton trade for the general 
benefit of operatives and cotton spinners alike, 
avoided party conflicts. 


To such an extent has he been able to conceal 
his own views in politics that to my knowledge I 
don't know whether he would like me to say it or 
not he has been approached by both the great 
political parties to become a candidate for Parlia- 
mentary honours. 

If those who attack Mr. Macara for the way he 
has done this as an individual who cannot help 
being the President of this great organisation, 



having been elected there by the men who know the 
trade best, and know him as being the man best 
fitted for that position if they would for one 
moment attempt to refute one single argument that 
he has put forward as to why we should stick to 
Free Trade, they would do more good to their cause. 







We believe that the supremacy of the United 
Kingdom in the world's cotton trade is due to our 
Free Trade policy, which enables us to buy the 
materials we require for the production of manufac- 
tured cotton at the lowest price without the addi- 
tional burden of import duties. This minimum 
capital outlay and the consequent saving in interest 
and depreciation give the manufacturers of the 
United Kingdom a great advantage in competition 
with manufacturers in protected countries. Un- 
taxed bread and meat and dairy produce have con- 
tributed to the health and efficiency of the work- 
people; and our Free Trade policy opens to us all 
the markets of the world on the terms of the most 
favoured nation. 

We are convinced that any departure from our 
Free Trade policy would cause great and irreparable 
injury to the cotton trade, and its allied industries, 
on which Lancashire and other parts of the country 
so largely depend. 





January 3rd, 1910. 

1. Vide Daily Press 







The leaders of the Lancashire cotton industry, 
irrespective of party politics, have been greatly con- 
cerned at the definite adoption by the Conservative 
party of the policy of Tariff " Reform." They hold 
that this policy, if put into operation, would inflict 
irretrievable disaster on the main industry of the 
county. A manifesto has accordingly been prepared 
in support of the views on this subject set forth by 
Mr. C. W. Macara, and has been very largely 
signed. The signatures printed below have been 
collected within the space of two days, and they 
could have been added to almost indefinitely if time 
had allowed . It will be seen that almost every great 
firm in the cotton and allied trades is represented by 
the names of one or other of the directors, in the 
list of signatories, and that the names, appended 
within the short time during which the document 
has been open for signature, are thoroughly repre- 
sentative of Lancashire. 

1, Reprinted from the Manchester Guardian, Jan. 14th, 1910, 



The text of the Manifesto is as follows : 

We, the undersigned spinners, manufacturers, 
and merchants connected with the cotton industry, 
desire to state that, quite apart from party politics, 
we unhesitatingly affirm our belief not only that 
Free Trade is the best fiscal system for the country 
generally, but that any resort to a system of 
Tariff Reform would seriously jeopardise the 
position of the cotton trade of Lancashire, and so 
produce appalling disaster to the whole country. 
We, therefore, thoroughly endorse the views 
which have been set forth by Mr. C. W. Macara, 
whose position makes him particularly conversant 
with the facts obtaining in all the cotton-using 
countries of the world. 
Manchester, January i2th, 1910. 
The following is the list of signatures : 

Ernest Agnew. G. B. Alexander. 

A. Y. Agopian. H. Ashworth. 

William Ashworth. Armitage & Rigby, Ltd. 

Alfred K. Armitage. B. Noton Barclay. 

James Arrowsmith. G. Beatson Blair. 

R. Ashworth & Son. J. R. Barlow (Barlow A Jonee, 

A. E. Ashton. Ltd.). 

Thomas Ashton. Joseph Bell. 

James H. Ainsworth, Alfred Brookes. 

Francis Atkinson. G. F. Burditt. 

James Ainsworth. Frederick Ball. 

A. Abbott & Co. Wallace Brooks. 

H. Arthur. Joseph Bles. 

F. H. Ardern. John Blears. 

J. W. Adam. P. Badger. 



Richard Bond. 

W. J. Bewley. 

J. R. Broadhurst. 

J. E. Bell. 

J. Birtwistle. 

Bailey & Roberts. 

Bury Brother?. 

John R, Byrom. 

W. Burrows & Son, Ltd. 

A. Bottomley. 

S. Bottomley. 

James Bentley. 

Sir Jacob Behrens & Co. 

John Boyd. 

A. Beith. 
Donald Beith. 
W. Burrows. 
T. Bannister, 

J. B. Breacken. 
Richard Barlow. 
Charles Brown. 
Birtwistle & Oddy. 

B. Birtwistle 

F. S. Bwrrows. 
S. Bancroft. 

H. Briggs & Co. 

H. Barlow. 

Beehive Spinning Co., Ltd. 

Edwin Barlow. 

John Barlow. 

John W. Brooks. 

H. Beswick. 

Frank Barlow. 

Boulaye Brothers. 

H. A. Bunting. 

G. A. Behrens. 
George Bickham, 

Henry Bannerman & Sons, Ltd 

George Buckley. 

Joshua Berry. 

Adam Bradley. 

James Bottomley. 

Arnold W. Boyd. 

John Broxap. 

Thomas Butterworth. 

James Barrow. 

A. W. Bradbury. 

John R. Brooks. 

A. Birtwistle. 

J. J. Briggs. 

William Berry. 

Thomas R. Bolton 

H. R. Barnes. 

J. Bottomley. 

J. Bradbury. 

J. A. Botham. 

J. C. Broadbent, 

J. W. Blackwell. 

T. E. Bamford. 

M. Burnitt. 

A. Barlow & Son?. 

C. Brumm. 

Barlow Brothers & Greenwood. 

H. Buckley. 

J. Bamford. 

E. H. Barnes. 

S. L. Behrens & Co. 

J. E. Bell. 

R. H. Bowdler (Wesham Mill 

Co., Ltd.) 
James Butterworth. 
Joseph Barker. 
Fred Bradshaw 
S. Berry. 



J. M. Bradock. 

W. Bracken. 

J. S. Bass. 

T. J. Bradburn. 

J. E. Barrett. 

S. D. Bles & Sons. 

Allan H. Bright. 

Alfred Crewdson. 

Sir Frederick Cawley. 

Arthur Carrington. 

J. W. Crewdson. 

Thomas E. Campbell. 

Henry Cuncliffe & Son. 

Robert H. Cooil. 

J. W. Cochcroft. 

Tom Carrington. 

H. W. Carrington. 

Edward T. Crook. 

Joshua Crook & Sons, Ltd. 

Tom Cox (Palmer Mill Co., 


Collinge Brothers. 
Thomas Catlow. 
J. T. Cuncliffe. 
Coates Manuf acting Co.. Ltd. 
John Cocks. 
Harry Cooper. 
Hamlett Cocker. 
G. H. Chadwick. 
Thomas Clarke. 
W. D. Chadfield. 
Thomas Collier. 
G. H. Crook. 
Thomas Coates. 
a. H. Clegg. 
John Cheetham. 
.Tames Caladine. 

James Cheetham. 

Miles Crompton. 

J. W. Clarke. 

M. Clegg. 

Joseph Crook & Son. Ltd. 

G. H. Clegg. 

H. Clegg. 

W. Carmichael. 

J. Crompton. 

J. Carr & Sons. 

W. Cartlinge. 

H. Crompton. 

J. T. Chadwick. 

J. E. Cockcroft. 

J. Crabtree. 

E. Catterall. 

E. Cooper. 

William Cheetham. 

Joseph Chadwick. 

J. S. Cheetham. 

John Dodd (Platt Bros. & Co., 

Tom Dean. 
H. C. Dewhurst. 
Harry Button. 
Ernest M. Davies. 
Josiah Doxey. 
W. Dean. 

Alexander Dowson. 
W. Douny. 
David Dyson. 
Joseph Dugdale. 
Daisyfield Eing Co. 
A. Dawson. 

Edward Dyson & Sons. 
W. Dearden. 
Abel Dearnaley. 



Frank Dewhurst. 
E. H. Dewhurst. 
P. Dinwiddie 
B. Dawson. 
Walter Duckworth. 
J. Derbyshire. 
]. Doodson. 
George Dickins. 
Alfred Emmott. 
jrustav Eckhard. 
John W. Exley. 
T. W. Emmott & Co. 
W. H. Eyre. 

James Fletcher. 

W. Scott Forbes. 

Robinson Fouldg. 

James Foulds. 

Henry Fleet wood. 

T. W. A. Forrest & Co., Ltd. 

John Faulkner. 

A. E. Fitton. 

John Faulkner, Ltd. 

Henry H. L. Fletcher. 

Wra. Fergusson (J. Fergusson 

& Co.). 
W. Fischbach. 

William Emery (William Emery, W. W. Fletcher (Ashton Bros. 


James Emery. 

A. T. Eccles & Sons. 

Robert Emmott. 

T. Emmott & Sons. 

James Edmnndson. 

Edgar & Cothingy. 

James Ellison. 

William Emmet t. 

Edward A. Eason. 

Edward A. Eason, junior. 

W. H. Eason. 

J. Emmet t. 

B. Ellinger. 

W. Eller. 

Edward Evans & Son. 
George Entwistle. 
Elson & Neill. 
H. Ellison. 
John W. Exley. 
W. Arthur Elder. 
James E. Evans. 
A. 0. Evana. 

& Co., Ltd.). 
J. R. Forester. 
John Flockton. 
Jos. Frost. 

C. Fielding. 
J. Fielding. 
A. Fielden. 
John Fell. 

H. Fieldman. 
W. H. Frost. 
A. S. Fulber. 

D. E. Frith. 
Jos. Foulds. 
G. W. Fennell. 
Thomas Fletcher. 
Paul Fraser & Co. 
N. H. Foulds. 

S. Galk. 
John Grey, Ltd. 
Greenfield Mill Co. 
H. Garstang. 
James Garside. 
Tom Garnett. 



G. P. Gunnis & Co. 

James Gibbon & Son. 

William Gibson. 

William Gibbon. 

H. Goble. 

W. R. Grundy. 

W. H. Greenhow & Co., Ltd. 

John Grime. 

J. 0. Griffiths. 

John Gledhill. 

John Greenwood. 

John G. Graves. 

C. Gatkie. 

J. G. Grime. 

J. Greenwood. 

0. Gillett & Co. 

C. W. Godbert. 

J. M. Gray. 

Sidney Gask. 

Charles F. Gresty. 

J. Francis Gibb. 

George S. Greaves. 

A. H. Greensmith. 

Richard Haworth & Co., Ltd. 

Sir Frank Hollins, Bart. 

L. Heyworth. 

E. & G. Hindle, Ltd. 

Arthur M. Hughes. 

W. A Hargreaves. 

Hall, Higham & Co. 

J. T. Hargreaves. 

C. Harris. 

Holme Manufacturing Co., Ltd. 

R. Holdsworth & Nephew. 

Edmund Halstead. 

R. Harwood & Son, Ltd. 

John Harwood & Son. 

Haslam Spinning Co. 
Joseph B. Harrison (Vernon 
Cotton Spinning Co., Ltd.). 
Harwood Brothers. 
John Holden & Son. 
James Halliwell. 
Hampden Mill Co., Ltd. 
William Hodgson. 
Hartley Spencer, Ltd. 
Frank Hodson. 
George G. Hardman. 
William Holden. 
James F. Button & Co., Ltd. 
Haythornthwaite Brothers, Ltd. 
William Hoyle. 
John Haughton. 
C. J. Hadfield. 
Alfred Haworth. 
George Hadfield 
J. R. Hepburn. 
Edward Hallsworth. 
Samuel Hague & Co., Ltd. 
William Harrop. 
T. Hellawell. 
P. Haworth & Son. 
Hollas, Farnworth, Ltd. 
Ralph Holden. 
W. Hamer. 
Jesse Haworth. 
Charles Hardman. 
R. Hasty. 
T. Horrocks. 
J. G. Haworth. 
David Healey. 
James Hunt. 
A. W. Hennings. 
Thomas S. Howortb, 



William Hay. 
K. Ha skim. 

B. Haskim. 
Fred Hartley. 
Hey & Elliott, Ltd. 
S. Hodgkinson. 
John Hamer. 

Harrison, Son, & Hague, Ltd. 

(Jeorge Hahlo. 

Joseph Hargreaves. 

A. P. Hillis. 

VV. R. Hesketh. 

Joseph Hague. 

Edwin Hamer 

A. G. C. Harvey. 

E. C. Harvey. 

W. H. Hall. 

W. Healey. 

John R. Hardern. 

Edward T. Hoyle. 

W. C. Hargreaves. 

R. P. Hewit. 

Forest Hewit. 

S. Hinrichsen & Co. 

A. B. Herbert. 

C. Hahnel. 
Phillips Hindley. 
W. E. Hall. 

D. Hendle. 

E. 0. Heywood. 
James H. Hyde. 
Thomas Hey. 

R. Hahnel. 
VV. Heap. 

B. W. Holden. 
W. B. Hanson. 

F. J. Hargreaves. 

J. Hindie. 

F. R. Haythornthwaite 
Albert Hindie. 
James A. Holden. 
C. W. Higgin. 

E. A. Haslani. 
J. W. Holt 

R. Hargreaves. 

C. Hoyle. 

W. H. Horsfall. 

D. Hill. 

H. Hollinrake. 

J. Halliwell. 

H. Holden. 

T. Hartley. 

\V. F. Hamer. 

Hartley & Wilson, Ltd 

F. Higson. 
John A. Hood. 
Jehu Healey. 
John W. Healey. 
J. W. Habbashaw. 
C. Holt. 

William Taylor Hague. 

B. & W. Hartley, Ltd. 
W. B. Hodgkinson. 
Samuel Haughton. 
Fred C. Isherwood. 

R. Isherwood. 
J. Isherwood. 
P. Isherwood. 
W. O. Ingham. 

C. H. Ingham. 
Alfred Ingham. 
George Ingham. 
W. G. Johnson. 

F. Johnston & Co., Ltd. 



James 8. Johnstone. 

J. B. Johnstone & Co. 

H. Jackson. 

Richard H. Jackson. 

John Jackson & Son. 

Daniel Jopson. 

E. Jones. 

G. B. Kay. 

John Kay & Son. 

Alfred J. King. 

Ernest A. Kolp. 

T. W. Killick. 

L. Kippax. 

R, W. Kessler. 

Samuel Kealey. 

W. T. Kemp. 

James Kay. 

W. Randell Kay. 

Leonard Kershaw. 

Arthur Kershaw. 

John Kenyon. 

J. Kerfoot. 

C. Koch & Co., Ltd. 

William Kenyon & Son. Ltd. 

Lancaster Brothers. 

A. Lindley & Son. 

Edward Lord. 

John F. Leach. 

John Law. 

J. W. Landless. 

Henry Leach. 

George E. Leach. 

Frank Lee. 

Lennox Lee. 

Henry Lawton (Asa Lee* & 

Co., Ltd.). 
John E. Longworth 

Julius Lesser & Co.'s Successors. 

John Longworth, Ltd. 

J. P. Lord. 

G. H. Leeming. 

J. Lloyd. 

James Lees. 

Fred Longbottom. 

W. E. Lightbowne. 

W. Lowe. 

J. F. Lomax. 

Sam Luke. 

K. Lee. 

Samuel Leigh. 

James Lawrence. 

E. S. Lang. 

J. G. Leach. 

E. Lawton. 

J. A. Leeming. 

E. H. Langden. 

H. Lee. 

Charles Lees. 

G. H. Lings. 

Lewis & Buckley. 

Frank Leech. 

Wilfred Lord. 

W. Langshaw. 

John Dewhurst Milne. 

T. B. Marsden (Platt Brothers 

& Co., Ltd.). 
W. R. M'Clure (R. M'Clure A 

Son, Ltd.). 
E. R, M. M'Clure (R. M'Clure * 

Son, Ltd.). 

J. H. Moorhouse (Vernon 
Cotton Spinning Co., Ltd. ) . 
J. S. Match in (Waste Spinning 



R, Martin & Son, Ltd. 

J. Mallalien. 

John Mitchell. 

\V. Marsland. 

James Moorhouse. 

Robert E. Milne. 

G. W. Munn. 

P. Millward. 

Joseph Magaon. 

1". R. M'Connell (Greg Brothers 

& Co.). 
O. Mallalieu. 
A. H. Marsland. 
C. Marx. 
Alex. Manley. 
C. E. Moore. 
S. Milne. 
Fred H. May all. 
Abel Mellor. 
W. H. Morris. 
J. G. Marcroft. 
J. B. Mayall. 
John Margerison. 
James Mallalieu. 
J_. W. Mallalieu. 
C. Mellor. 
S. J. Michles. 
J. Malloc. 
R. Moores. 
A. Matthews. 
Joseph Mills. 
H. A. Maryland. 
R. H. Massey. 
R. D. M'Laren. 
J. Marshall. 
J. H. Marsden. 
R. Moorhouse. 

John Mill*. 

Thomas Milnes. 

C. William Mill*. 

James Milne. 

Robert Mellor. 

William Marcroft. 

Mitchell & Son. 

William Morgan. 

William M'Kerracher. 

J. H. Morris & Co. 

R. W. Matthews. 

James Milne (Preston). 

0. W. Needham (Platt Brothers 

& Co., Ltd.). 

H. T. Norinanton & Co., Ltd. 
C. Newth. 
John Noden. 
R. Nutter & Co., Ltd. 
Ephraim Nutter. 
Thomas Nutter. 
A. O. Noel. 
S. C. Nordlingei-. 
W. Noble. 
A. Nordlinger. 
Howarth Nuttall. 
Wilfred F. Nuttall. 
James Nutter. 
John E. Newton (Asa Lfet> 4 

Co., Ltd.). 
Thomas Noton, jun. 
George Nelson. 
John Needham & Sons. 
George Newton. 
S. Newton. 
F. Norcliffe, jun. 
A, Nichol. 
M. S. Newton. 



Thomas Nuttall & Sons, Ltd. 

Nuttall & Crook. 

B. Nutter & Co., Ltd. 

W. W. Neill. 

Oxford Mill Co., Ltd. 

H. Oliver. 

Joseph Oliver. 

Cuthbertson Orr. 

William J. Orr. 

Orschavir Brothers. 

D. E. Ormerod. 

Samuel Ormerod. 

William O'Hanlon & Co. 

David Ottersill. 

J. A. Ormerod. 

B. Ogden. 
W. O'Neill. 

S. H. Ormerod & Co. 

Ogdens & Madeleys, Ltd. 

The Old Mill Co., Ltd. 

T. Pilling. 

Pickup & Co. 

A. C. Pott & Co. 

S. Potter. 

William Pearson. 

William Pownall. 

Pembertoris, Ltd. 

C. H. Pickford. 
James Prestwich. 
Alfred Partington. 
T. Parkins. 
Thomas Potter. 
W. J. Petrie. 

S. H. Bobinson. 
George Bobinson & Co. 
Boach Vale Mills, Ltd. 
Samuel Balphs (Vernon Cotton 
Spinning Co., Ltd.). 

John E. Bhodes. 

J. F. & H. Boberts, Ltd. 

W. Bowbotham. 

J. B, Bhodes & Co. 

James Bhodes. 

F. Bushworth. 

John Bamsbotham. 

James Bamsbotham. 

W. Biley. 

S. Bobinson. 

Bitchie & Eason. 

Frederick Beyner. 

W. Bigg. 

F. Bedman. 

Rawson Brothers. 

F. W. Bayner. 

H. T. Bayner. 

James Bussel. 

A. Bogerson. 
John Bountree. 

B. Byden. 

H. D. Battray. 

T. Bedman. 

W. J. Bobertson. 

J. Bobertson & Sons. 

F. Bobey. 

G. E. Bowland. 
Frank S. Boberts. 

River & Tower Mills Co., Ltd. 

C. W. Bothwell. 
William Smith & Co. 
J. H. Snowdon. 
Samuel Slater. 
Steinthal & Co. 
James Speak. 

F. A. Scott. 
Tom Shackleton. 
S. H. Sagar. 


John Smith. 

T. & J. Smith. 

Thomas Stephens. 

John Sutcliffe. 

Sandygate Mill Co., Ltd. 

Ernest M. Susman. 

Paul Susman. 

W. F. Smethurst. 

J. W. Sclanders & Co. 

I. W. Shovelton. 

Edgar Smalley. 

Henry Speakman. 

S. H. Smith. 

Joseph Sutcliffe. 

Herbert Slater. 

Fred A. Slater. 

A. Sugden. 

Harold Shawcross - 

Thomas Scott. 

S. Seidlin. 

H. R. Sassen. 

,T. Spence. 

>. H. Smith. 

Edwin Stansfield. 

W. H. Shirley. 

K. W. Summerfield 

Joseph Smith. 

G. H. Stafford. 

H. Shepley. 

Alfred Smithson. 

Stott & Smith. 

C. Smith. 

J. G. Sansome. 

E. Swan. 

J. H. Scholes. 

J. A. Scrimgeour. 

J H. Shuock. 

T. Stott. 

F. J. Sparks 
T. H. Bigby. 
A. E. Sutton. 
R. W. Seed. 
A. Saxon. 

W. Stephens. 

G. Stott. 

J. J. Smithies. 

W. Slater & Son, Ltd. 

E. G. Smalley. 
W. E. Sagar. 
Joseph T. Sladen. 
G. Shuttle worth. 
J. Stott. 

Emil Scholefield. 
S. Sugden. 

Schofield & Froggatt. 
Sugden Sutcliffe. 
James Speak. 
Wilfred Street. 

F. Seal. 

James A. Spencer. 

Frank Smith. 

C. C. Stout. 

James Sharpies. 

Southern & Nephew, Ltd. 

James W. Southern & Son, Ltd. 

G. E. Shaw. 

J. H. Sladin & Co. 

Benjamin Thornber & Sons, Ltd. 

James Thornber. 

Sharp Thornber. 

J. G. A. Taylor. 

Charles Taylor & Brothers, Ltd. 

Edgar M. Taylor. 

Thomas Taylor (S. Taylor, Ltd.). 



Luke Thornber. 

William Tetlow. 

VV. H. Taylor. 

Frank Taylor. 

C. H. Turner. 

John Taylor. 

James Taylor. 

James M. Thomas. 

Alfred Topp. 

J. T. Tetlow. 

Jesse Thorpe. 

James Tattersall. 

John E. Taylor. 

John Trafford. 

Richard Trafford. 

Robert Taylor, jun. (Asa Lees 

& Co., Ltd.). 
R. Thompson & Co.. Ltd. 
Richard Thornley. 
Elias Taylor. 
William Topham. 
James Tattersall & Son. 
Thomas Taylor. 
H. Thompson. 
W. E. Thompson. 
H. Taylor. 
M. Taylor. 
-A. Taylor. 

E. Travis. 
S. Taylor. 
J. Taylor. 

S. J. Tattersall. 
J. F. Turner. 

F. A. Tomlinson. 
F. Taylor. 
William Taylor. 
W. S. Tvson. 

James T. Tunstall. 

W. B. Taylor. 

Abraham Wood. 

W. G. Wallia. 

James Watts, jun. 

Albert E. Wright. 

Rowland J. Worthington. 

Walmsley & Co. 

Whittlefield Mill Co., Ltd. 

John Ward. 

William H. Wood. 

Whitehead & Leaver, Ltd. 

James Walton, Ltd. 

Robert Walton. 

H. Woollin. 

J. T. Whipp. 

A. S. Wallace. 

Witham Halstead & Co. 

John S. Wyatt. 

Joseph Wild. 

Handel Whittaker. 

Seth Wrigley. 

John Warburton. 

George Woolley. 

A. Watson. 

Walker, Allen & Son, Ltd. 

H. Watson. 

J. Wild & Son. 

S. Watson. 

George F. War die, 

Alfred Watkin. 

T. B. Wood & Son, Ltd. 

Henry E. Williams. 

John Wardley. 

Ernest Ward. 

J. Wrigley. 

R. Wood. 



R. S. Wild. 

John Worrall. 

Edgar G. Walker. 

H. Wolfenden. 

Wilson & Rawlinshaw. 

H. Waterhouse. 

G. Warburton. 

W. H. Walsh. 

M. Wilson. 

J. E. Wood. 

T. Woodward. 

J. Wainwright. 

E. Whitehead. 

T. Walton 4 Son. 

S. Whittaker. 

W. Whittaker. 

W. Walton. 

John B. Weston. 

J. Watson. 

A. C. White. 

S. D. Willis. 

J. W. Wood. 

A. Whitehead. 

S. Watson (J. S. Watson & Son). 

James Watts. 

Arnold Whitworth. 

G. Arthur Watson. 

H. J. Whitham. 

James Walmsley. 

George Yates. 

Ralph Yates. 

T. Yarker. 

C. N. Yowell. 

A. Rowell- Young, 

Frank Yardlev. 






Lancashire has given for Free Trade a verdict 
and a lead to the other industrial centres, in my 
opinion, more emphatic than that proclaimed in 

In the face of electioneering methods new in this 
country, though familiar in the United States, 
whence they have been copied by the Tariff 
Reformers, the Free Trade vote in Lancashire is 
more pronounced in 1910 than it was four years 
ago. This result is impressive. To, what must it 
be attributed ? 

I believe it to be due, firstly and mainly, to this 
fact, that the cotton trade is the one great staple 
industry in England in which employers and 
operatives work together in dealing with the great 
problems affecting their mutual industrial weal or 

I have myself led various movements for the 
advancement of cotton trade interests. In all, I 
have had the active co-operation of the leaders of 
the operatives. 

1. Sunday Times, London, Jan. 23rd, 1910. 


One of the most notable examples of this co- 
operation between capital and labour is the British 
Cotton Growing Association. Equally with the 
employers, the operatives contribute their quota to 
its funds, and they are represented on the council 
of the Association. 

When that is the situation and the practice, is it 
surprising that masters and men should join hands 
in resisting a fiscal policy which their knowledge 
and experience tell them must involve the absolute 
ruin of their industry ? 

In this matter Lancashire has never wavered. 
Six weeks after Mr. Chamberlain made his pro- 
nouncement in favour of Tariff Reform in 1903, a 
conference representing the leaders of both capita! 
and labour in the cotton industry denounced his 
proposals in no measured terms. Again in 1906 
Lancashire denounced these proposals, and she 
denounces them to-day with undiminished deter- 
mination. The arguments against Tariff Reform 
brought forward at the Conference in 1903 have 
never been refuted. 

Notwithstanding the great development in the 
cotton industry which has been going on throughout 
the world, England has well maintained her pre- 
ponderating position, owning to-day nearly one-half 
of the world's cotton spindles, and exporting about 
three-quarters of the production of these spindles 
and the dependent machinery to all parts of the 
globe. These exports represent a third of our total 
exports of manufactures. 

Much has been heard of the growth of the exports 



from other cotton manufacturing countries. It is 
not generally known that a considerable part of 
those exports are goods that have been made in 
Lancashire and exported from these countries after 
having undergone some further process. 

Much, also, has been made of our own imports of 
cotton manufactures. Again, it is not generally 
known that a large proportion of these imports are 
goods made in Lancashire, sent abroad for some 
special process, such as finishing, dyeing, etc., and 
sent back to England; in many cases for re-export. 
Not only is the prosperity of Lancashire dependent 
upon this great export trade, but its maintenance 
largely concerns our existence as a commercial 

Thanks to our Free Trade policy the nations of 
the world give us "most favoured nation" treat- 
ment in admitting our goods to their markets. Then 
we can build and equip our mills, weaving sheds, 
and other dependent undertakings, such as calico 
printing, bleaching, dyeing, and finishing, at a 
much lower capital outlay than our competitors in 
protected countries. 

The watchword of Lancashire in business is enter- 
prise. We do not ask for monopoly. As business 
men we realise that its benefits are illusory. 

Enterprise has given the cotton industry a highly 
specialised and inter-dependent, but at the same 
time, as I have shown, a delicate and complicated 
organisation. It has made us keen to adopt every 
improvement in the making and finishing of our 
verv varied productions. It has made us keen to 



keep our management more and more efficient; to 
keep our machinery abreast of the times, and to give 
the best possible value. On the wonderful expan- 
sion which has followed from this bold and 
courageous policy we have prospered. Tariff 
Reform is an appeal to timidity. It does not fit 
the temper of Lancashire. 

During the last thirty-five years the world's 
demand for cotton goods has trebled. If, in the 
face of that demand, many countries have entered 
upon cotton manufacture for themselves, such a 
development was to be expected ; the result has not 
been to cut off our trade, but to encourage greater 
variety and excellence of fabrics. No manufactur- 
ing industry, in proportion to the capital invested, 
employs so much labour as does the cotton industry. 
Much of that labour is highly skilled the inherited 
skill of generations and is superior to that obtain- 
able in any other cotton manufacturing country. 
Excepting in America, where the cost of living is 
excessive, the wages paid in the English cotton 
industry are considerably in excess of those paid 
in any other country, and the hours of labour are 

We are able to compete successfully in all the 
neutral markets of the world, as well as in the 
markets of the other twenty-one countries which 
have a cotton industry of their own. 

We are able to do this because of the elasticity 
of our industry based on the solid foundation of 
free enterprise. 

The most notable example of our hold upon the 


world's trade is found in the case of India. Our 
foreign competititors have the same right of entry 
into the Indian market as we have, yet 95 per cent, 
of the cotton goods imported into India are supplied 
by England. 

All these things the Lancashire operative knows 
as well as his employer. Misleading statistics have 
little effect on him. 

In 1906 Lancashire's pronouncement on Free 
Trade exercised a tremendous influence. 

Lancashire's pronouncement in 1910 shows an 
even greater determination to reject nostrums based 
largely upon ignorance of the conditions which have 
enabled us to build up our gigantic export business, 
representing an annual average of ^100,000,000 in 
cotton goods. To maintain that trade under Tariff 
Reform would be impossible. 

Any doubt as to Lancashire's determination to 
uphold Free Trade has been repelled by the cotton 
industry and Free Trade manifestos. The first 
was signed by all the principal leaders of the 
operatives; the second by eight hundred representa- 
tives of the great cotton firms, and of the subsidiary 
and dependent industries, as well as by the mercan- 
tile interests. Those signatures were obtained on 
the eve of the poll in two days. The amount of 
capital represented in this manifesto is colossal. 

Unfortunately the great industrial districts in 
which the wealth of the country is created did not 
appreciate the want of knowledge in those districts 
where so much of that wealth is expended, still less 
could they have believed that an important section 



of the Tariff Reform press, by excluding from its 
columns plain, businesslike statements by practical 
men, would have kept its readers in ignorance of 
the warnings against the ruin which must befall the 
nation as a whole if Tariff Reform were adopted. 
But surely by such tactics that section of the press 
is accepting a very grave responsibility. 

I have said before, I repeat it now. A great 
commercial nation must choose between its own 
market and the markets of the world. The United 
States, so far as manufactures are concerned, have 
chosen their own market. Hence their export of 
cotton goods is a trifle. Our market is the market 
of the world. The market of the world it must 
continue to be. Our population cannot live on any 
other terms. In my opinion the unique position we 
now hold in the world's markets, and consequently 
the livelihood of our whole population, must be 
seriously endangered by the adoption of a policy 
which, however applicable to the United States with 
its large areas of contiguous territory, cannot be 
applicable to the crowded and limited area of the 
United Kingdom. 

It is incredible that a great commercial nation 
should jeopardise the industries by which it lives. 
If we enter on Protection and ruin our commerce, 
all other problems will sink into insignificance. 

This is the opinion Lancashire has pronounced. 
It is endorsed by a great majority of the other 
centres of industry. No Government dare disregard 
the verdict. 



Ever since the war commenced I have studiously 
avoided expressing opinions on subjects of political 
controversy. I have been, for example, repeatedly 
asked to state my opinions regarding Free Trade 
and Tarifl Reform, but I have invariably declined 
My view is that our task is to win the war, and to 
that end we ought to sink all personal predilections. 
But on the question now before us I cannot refrain 
from speaking. As a convinced Free Trader I have 
never objected to any impost considered necessary 
for revenue purposes, but it is not fair that 
Lancashire should be singled out for taxation to the 
distinct advantage of another part of the Empire. 
Let us be just to all parts, and not penalise one 
to the gain of another. It is not right for the 
Government to give a preference to the Indian 
manufacturers. Let us have fair competition, no 
bolstering up on the one hand and no penalising on 
the other. If the Indian manufacturer can beat us 
in the open market let him do so, but do not help 
him by preferential treatment. 

I have already explained my attitude towards this 
controvery, and I cannot add much to what I said in 
the Manchester Guardian on March 3. It will be 

1. Vide Manchester Guardian, March 14th, 1917. 


remembered, possibly, that in 1903, 1006, and 1910 I 
took a determined stand from the point of view of a 
business man as it is well known that 1 take no 
part, and never have done, in party politics against 
the Tariff " Reform " movement introduced by Mr. 
Joseph Chamberlain. I cannot tell you how much 
I regert that this controversy, or any thing approach- 
ing the semblance of a controversy, should have 
been raised at a time when we are passing through 
the most terrible experience the world has ever 
known. 1 have strenuously advocated abstention 
from controversial matters, which bristle with diffi- 
culties, until victory is secured, and I am fully alive 
to the fact that new conditions will then have to be 
faced. That will be work, however, for practical 
men, not for party politicians. I am one of those 
who hold that professional politicians have no right 
to introduce measures concerning the welfare, and 
indeed almost the existence, of the great industries 
by means of which this country has attained her 
position of pre-eminence throughout the world, and 
I have worked hard to federate the industries of the 
country, which, after all, are only one complex 
organism, so that what affects one of the great 
industries of the country practically affects the 

It is painful for me to see the views that are 
expressed by leading London organs regarding 
matters with which they cannot possibly have any 
first hand knowledge. It is unfortunate that these 
journals are read by so many people who are so 
utterly misinformed regarding the points at issue. 



I would remind Mr. Austen Chamberlain I do not 
care for personalities that if he will follow what was 
done in 1903, 1906, and 1910, he might possibly, if 
he is not irrevocably committed, have given some 
consideration on Monday to the representations of 
the thoroughly practical men upon whom, after all, 
the welfare of this country is dependent. 1 It is 
incredible, as I said in the 1910 controversy, that 
" a great commercial nation should jeopardise the 
industries by which it lives. If we enter on Protec- 
tion and ruin our commerce, all other problems will 
sink into insignificance." 

1. A deputation consisting of Lancashire members of 
Parliament of all parties, Lancashire Chambers of Commerce, 
the Liverpool and Manchester Cotton Associations, the 
organisations of both employers and operatives in the Cotton 
industry and others, had waited upon Mr. Austin Chamberlain, 
Secretary of State for India on March 12, 1917. 




Sir Charles Macara, addressing the students 
and their relatives and friends, at a centre for 
training women in market gardening, said that 
increasing the food production within the British 
Isles was an essential factor in securing victory in 
this great struggle for the detence ot liberty and 
civilisation, and no more important work could 
possibly be undertaken by any Government. He 
was one of those who believed in efficiency in every- 
thing, in taking full advantage of scientific research, 
and utilising whatever was at their disposal; such 
as, for instance, the linking up of the electrical 
power stations, and the supply of electrical energy 
tor the driving of agricultural machinery, and pos- 
sibly, also, for increasing the productivity of the 
soil. Personally, he had always had the utmost 
confidence in the work of women, and in serving 
on a committee in London, where evidence had to 
be taken regarding various occupations, he was 
most impressed by the evidence that was given by 
the principal lady at the Board of Trade as to the 
manner in which women had adapted themselves to 
occupations that had in the past been carried on by 
men. Agriculture still remained our greatest in- 
dustry but hitherto the women of England had 
1. Vid* The prM, 1917. 



done less in the cultivation of the soil than those of 
most of the other countries of the world. Both 
agriculture and horticulture required as much skill 
as any other industry. An elementary training, 
which, although for a time of emergency like the 
present was invaluable, was not sufficient for perma- 
nent success, but must be carried further, and what 
was wanted was that many centres for training 
women should be started under the direction 01 
those who were fully qualified to teach. Circuin- 
.stances had arisen from time to time which had 
compelled him, in the position he had occupied 
for so many years in connection with the staple 
industry of Lancashire, to study agricultural 
problems, as alter ail, everything was dependent 
upon the tillers of the soil for the two prime neces- 
saries of life tood and clothing. In 1904 the staple 
industry of Lancashire was, as it is to-day, in a 
serious position as regarded shortage of the raw 
material, which led to the various international 
movements being started, all cotton-using countries 
being more or less similarly affected. At that 
time he had to take a lead in several of these move- 
ments in which agriculture played a prominent part ; 
they resulted in the establishment of the British 
Cotton Growing Association, the International 
Federation of Master Cotton Spinners' and Manu- 
facturers' Associations, with headquarters in Man- 
chester, and the International Institute of Agricul- 
ture, with headquarters in Rome. In connection 
with these world-wide movements, a Private Cotton 
Investigation Commission visited the United States 
in 1906. followed by an international delegation the 



next year, and a few years later a similar delegation 
visited Egypt. A great deal of information regard- 
ing agriculture was thus acquired. He went to 
America in 1907 expecting to find up-to-date 
methods in agriculture. In this, however, he was 
disappointed. Although as a result of the visits of 
the Private Cotton Investigation Commission many 
reforms had been promptly started. A characteris- 
tic trait of the American people, however, was 
shown bv the promptitude with which they acted 
when their deficiencies were brought home to them, 
nnd Government experimental farms were quickly 
instituted, and bv this means great reforms brought 
about. In Egvpt, on the other hand, he was equally 
surprised in iqi2 to find the most up-to-date 
methods in operation. What was done in America 
was what was so urgently needed in the British 
Tsles. and as he had alreadv said, there ought to be 
a "Teat extension of centres for training 1 women 
under efficient teachers. He felt sure there must 
be anv number of voungf women of ^ood social 
status who, after receiving thorough training mieht 
qualify as teachers in that work. By so doing thev 
would render invaluable service to their countrv. 
not onlv in this unprecedented crisis, but in the un- 
known future. He was glad to sav that the students 
who hnd gone from that centre had all acquitted 
themselves well, and he hoped the disposition on 
the part of those who employed students from these 
centres would be to thoroughly appreciate their 
patriotism, and to reward them adequatelv for the 
valuable services they were rendering to the nation 
in the present grave crisis. 



1. At Manchester great Trafalgar Day Demonstration, 1916. 



" I am a landsman, but I have been associated 
for many years with sailors, and the more I see of 
them the more I like them. It is a matter of deep 
regret that Lady Beatty, whose husband's magnifi- 
cent services to the country in this the greatest of 
all wars have evoked universal admiration, is unable 
through indisposition to be present to-day. But I 
feel highly honoured in being associated with so 
distinguished a representative of the Navy as 
Admiral of the Fleet, Sir Hedworth Meux, whose 
eminent services in connection with the Navy are 
well known ; perhaps the most notable being when, 
as Captain the Hon. Hedworth Lambton, he com- 
manded the Naval Brigade at Ladysmith, giving 
a splendid demonstration of what can be accom- 
plished by co-operation between the Navy and the 
Army, and one that I think will go down to 
posterity. It is fitting that so distinguished a 
personage should come to this great centre of 
industry on Trafalgar Day to advocate the claims 
of the British and Foreign Sailors' Society, which 
has done such splendid work for so many years. 
In looking back upon a somewhat strenuous career, 
nothing gives me greater satisfaction than the work 
I have been able to do in promoting the welfare of 
the seafaring- class. This work has always had a 
great attraction for me. My first public work in 
connection with the sea was taking part in the 



raising of a fund to provide for the widows and 
other dependants of twenty-seven lifeboatmen who 
lost their lives in December, 1886, in a gallant 
attempt to rescue the crew of the German barque 
' Mexico,' wrecked on the treacherous Horse Bank 
in the estuary of the Ribble, who were ultimately 
rescued by the Lytham lifeboat. Some years later, 
in 1891, when the funds of the Royal National 
Lifeboat Institution had sunk to a somewhat low ebb 
in proportion to the work carried on by this great 
voluntary life-saving service, it was Manchester and 
Salford l that came to the rescue and led the way in 
a popular movement which was taken up throughout 
the United Kingdom, and which supplied the 
additional funds necessary to carry on the work 
efficiently. It was in prosecuting this work that I 
shall always remember with gratitude the assistance 
that was rendered by the representatives of this 
Society who had served in the Navy, and who 
organised a display of the Rocket Brigade which 
added materially to the impression made at the first 
Lifeboat Saturday Demonstration in Manchester, 
October, 1891. Since that time I have taken a deep 
interest in the work of the Society, whose claims 
have been advocated to-day, and have taken part 
in various events in connection with it, notably the 
opening of the Fielden Sailors' Rest at Fleetwood, 
which was presented to the British and Foreign 
Sailors' Society by Mrs. Samuel Fielden, of 
Todmorden, and which has done much good work 
since it was opened, among the sailors and fishermen 

1. Vide The Book of the Lifeboat, 1894, Report of Committee 
on the Royal Naval Lifeboat Inquiry, Evidence, Appendix and 
Index, 1897, Cd. 4394 ; and the History of The Lifeboat Saturday 
Fund, 1898 (published by private subscription, and containing 
documents omitted from the Parliamentary Blue Book). 



residing there or who visit the port. The good 
example shown by this lady might well be followed 
by others in establishing similar Homes in various 
places on the coast wherever they are needed. In 
this connection I would like to say that it is the 
lifeboatmen and deep sea fishermen who largely 
carry on the heroic and dangerous work of mine 
sweeping, in which service many fishermen have 
lost their lives. I also had the pleasure of taking 
part at the banquet given at the Fishmongers' Hall, 
in London, on the hundredth anniversary of 
Trafalgar, and was deputed as a Vice-President of 
the British and Foreign Sailors' Society to present 
a bust of Nelson to the London Stock Exchange 
the following day. On that occasion I had the 
privilege of meeting many distinguished sailors and 
soldiers. The more that one knows of the work of 
sailors, the more one feels how deeply we are 
indebted to them, and how eager we should be to do 
whatever we can to minister to their welfare. In 
this great centre of population 9,000,000 within a 
radius of forty miles we depend absolutely on our 
sailors. Not one pound of raw cotton do we grow, 
all has to be imported, and our great cotton industry 
is dependent for three-quarters of its employment 
upon export trade. Through the enterprise and 
energy of the promoters of the Manchester Ship 
Canal, the port of Manchester has now, in the value 
of its exports and imports, attained the position of 
fourth port in the United Kingdom. Concurrently 
with this, the tonnag-e of Liverpool has largelv 
increased. In my experience in advocating the 
claims of philanthropic institutions, I have always 
found that with a good cause, forcibly put before 
the British public, provided that the proper organi- 
sation is also available for securing the contributions 
of all classes of the rommunitv according to their 



means, and that it is one of centralisation and 
decentralisation, and both national and local in its 
working, success is practically assured, and I have 
every confidence that the appeal which has been 
made on behalf of the British and Foreign Sailors' 
Society will meet with a hearty response." 



Speaking at Preston on Easter Sunday afternoon, 
1917, Sir Charles W. Macara said : 

" In the stirring events that are taking place, and 
the fact that the English-speaking nations are now 
united, I think we have every reason to feel 
optimistic as to the ultimate victory of the forces 
fighting for liberty and civilisation. 

It has been my privilege to meet many distin- 
guished personages throughout the world, and 
among these no one impressed me more than Lord 
Kitchener. He was not only a great soldier but a 
splendid business man, as well as a man imbued 
with an intense desire to promote the welfare of 
humanity and alleviate the lot of the oppressed. I 
well remember asking his approval regarding an 
international delegation going to Egypt in connec- 
tion with Lancashire's staple industry ; his reply 
was : ' I welcome such a delegation. I am in Egypt 
to do my best for the welfare of the Egyptians, and 
I wish the world to benefit bv whatever I may 
succeed in accomplishing.' When he received me 
at the Residency in Cairo, in expressing his satisfac- 
tion that the delegation had come to Egypt, he 

1. Vide The Lancashire Daily Post, April 9th, 1917. 

3 2 7 


solicited my help in assisting him to raise the 
position of the Egyptian peasantry, whose lot he 
considered exceptionally hard. I have met great 
soldiers whose business qualities will compare 
favourably with those of men holding high positions 
in commerce and industry, and it is equally note- 
worthy that men engaged in corrimerce and industry 
have been transformed into magnificent soldiers. 
The name of Lord Kitchener will go down to posterity 
as the greatest military organiser the world has ever 
seen. I have no hesitation in saying that the 
heroism and self-sacrifice of the fighting forces of 
the Empire and of our Allies have never been 
excelled. In this connection I cannot but allude to 
the splendid manner in which the women of the 
country have voluntarily come forw r ard and taken 
up work in all directions. Had they only been 
organised as they might have been, the great strain 
caused by the withdrawal of such large numbers of 
the manhood of the nation would have been much 
less severely felt." 



Adamson, Daniel, 135 
Agriculture, International Institute, 
149, 206, 211, 224 

needs of, 321 

Aircraft cloth, supply of, 171 
Alexandria, International Delega- 
tion at, 222 

Amalgamated Association of Card 
and Blowing Boom Operatives, 83 

Association of Operative Cotton 

Spinners, 79, 81 

Weavers' Association, 84 

America, advice to, on the use of 

existing institutions in war work, 

cotton crop, 201 

cotton industry, 147 

International Delegation to, 209 

American cotton bale, 147 
Ancoats, characteristics of, 61 

strike, 67 

Anti-Corn Law League, 133 
Arbitration, 105 

Ashton, Thomas, 161 
Ascroft, Robert, M.P., 93, 95 
Askwith, Sir George, 100, 119 
Asquith, H. H., Prime Minister, 116, 

262, 272 

Atlanta, Convention at, 209 
Australia, Strikes in, 264 
Bannerman, Alexander, 44 

Andrew, 44 

Bannerman, David, comes to Man- 
chester, 43, 44 

- death of, 46 

borough reeve of Man- 
chester, 46 

Henry, founder of the firm, 


- death of, 46 

Henry, of Hunton, 44 

buys the Hunton estate, 


High Sheriff of Kent, 47 

James Alexander, 46 
Janet, 47 

John, 44 

buys Wyastone Leys, 47 

House of, 37 

both producer and distri- 

butor of cotton goods, 69 

Barnes, George N., M.P., 116, 162 

Behrens, Sir Charles, 115 262 

Beith, John Alexander, 33 

Blackpool, 21 

operatives on holiday at, 56 

Blowing and carding, 78 

Board of Trade, statement on Indus- 
trial Council, 267 

Bright, John, 67, 133 

British and Foreign Sailors' Society, 

Cotton Growing Association, 233 

Brooklands Agreement, history of 
the, 93, 255 



Brunswick Mill, strike at, 67 et seq. Cowpar, Charlotte Grace, mother of 

Bryce, Lord, letter of, 221 
Bythell, John Kenworthy, 33, 139 
Campbell, Sir James, 47 
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 47, 

Capital and labour : Industrial 

Council, 253 

and labour : means for promot- 
ing industrial peace, 276 

and labour under war condi- 
tions, 276 

Chalmers, Thomas, 6 
Chamberlain, Austin, M.P., 320 
Clynes, J. R., M.P., questions in 

Parliament, 274 

Cobden, Richard, 24n, 132, 133 
Cotton as contraband, 163 

creation of a reserve of, 166, 


corner, 143 

crops, 199 

duties, Indian, 318 

Employers' Parliamentary As- 
sociation, 156-159 

industry, growth, 289 

industry, organisation and 

federation, 204 

industry, survey of its history, 


plant, description of, 194 

seed, products of, 197 

trade disputes, 278 

trade an exotic, 125 

trade, method for ascertaining 

normal return on capital, 105 

trade of Lancashire, 50n 

world's supply, 203 

Charles W.*Macara, 8 
Cox Brothers of Dundee, 33 
Crewe, Marquess of, deputation to, 


Crooks, Will, M.P., 263 
Disraeli, Benjamin, on Manchester, 


Disruption of 1843, 2, 13 
Dukinfield, characteristics of, 63 
East India Company, 9 
Education, fears concerning, 74 
Egypt, cotton crop, 200 

development of the Sudan, 233 

reception of delegates by Lord 

Kitchener, 239 

visit of International Cotton 

Delegation, 222 
Factory Acts, 66 
Federation of Master Cotton 

Spinners' Associations, 209 
Fielden, Mrs. Samuel, 325 
Free Church of Scotland, 6, 13 
Free Trade Hall, 30 
- Trade, Lancashire's verdict, 312 

Trade Union, letter to the 

President of the, 289 

Galloway, Admiral, 9 

Major-Gen. Sir Archibald, 8-9 

German merchants in Manchester, 51 
Grey, Sir Edward, on the cotton 

industry, 208, 225 
Grosvenor Square Presbyterian 

Church and its debating society, 

Haworth, Arthur A., speech in 

defence of C. W. Macara, 295 
John, 158n 



Hindu civilisation, 193 

Hours of labour, reduction in 1904 

owing to shortage of cotton, 216 
Howe, George, dismissed from Fern 

Mill, 99-100 
Hunton Court, 46-47 
India, cotton crop, 147, 202 

cultivation of cotton, deputa- 
tion to Lord Crewe, 249 

Sir A. Galloway's services in, 


Indian cotton duties, 318 

- Famine Funds, 171, 186 
Industrial Council, 281 

projected, 110 

- established, 118 

article in " Financial Review of 

Reviews," 253 

Industrial unrest, 108 

inquiry by the Industrial 

Council, 272 

Influences, 1 

International Congress, Paris, 1908, 
address to C. W. Macara, 245 
Convention of Cotton Growers, 
Spinners, etc., 209 

Cotton Conferences, 145 et seq. 

Cotton Federation, 209 

its prestige, 151 

deputation to the Marquess of 

Crewe, 249 

delegation to America, 209 

Federation of Textile Workers, 


industry and commerce, 223 
Institute of Agriculture, 149, 

206, 211, 224 
Internationalism, 125 

Kitchener, Lord, 229, 236 

reception of delegates at Cairo, 


tribute to, 327 

Lancashire, C. W. Macara's influence 

on, 3, 133 

operatives, 55 

Private Cotton Investigation 

Commission, 213 

Lancashire's verdict on Free Trade, 


Law, A. Bonar, M.P., 273, 274 
Lifeboat rescues and disasters, 180 

et seq. 

- Saturday, 184, 325 
Liverpool Cotton Market, 138-140 
London, journey to, in the sixties, 21 
Long, Walter, M.P., and the 

National Registration Act, 169 
Lowe, Robert, 26n 
Lubin, David, 149, 150, 206, 211 
Macara, Charles Wright, born at 

Strathmiglo, son of Rev. W. 

Macara, 3 

opening into life, 14 

schools, 15-16 

arrival in Manchester, 19, 30 

enters service of Cox Brothers, 


marriage, 37 

joins Bannerman's, 47 

first conflict with the operatives, 

formation of Federation of 
Master Cotton Spinners' Associa- 
tions, 85 

strike of 1892-3, 85 

Brooklands Agreement, 95 



Macara, Charles W., as chairman of 
conferences of employers and 
employed, 102 

on interdependence of indus- 
tries, 109 

plan of an industrial council, 110 

article in " Financial Review 

of Reviews," 117, 253 

his historic place in Lancashire, 


on transport duties, 141 

promoter of international cotton 

conferences, 146 

organises visit of a cotton 

commission and delegation to 
America, 148 

joint organiser of the Inter- 
national Institute of Agriculture, 

his organising activity, 155-6 

presides at Conference of 1903, 



retires from presidency 
Employers' Association, 159 

created a baronet, 159 

other honours, 159-160 

address, etc., from operative 
spinners, 160 

economist, suggestions after the 
outbreak of war, 161 

cotton as contraband, cotton 
reserve, National Register, 163-169 

on the adaptation of existing 
organisations to war purposes, 173 

residence at St. Annes-on-the- 
Sea, 179 

lifeboat disasters, 180 

Macara, Charles W., Lifeboat Satur 
day originated, 184 

his children, 187 

Survey of the cotton industry, 


speech at Atlanta, 209 

correspondence with President 

Roosevelt, 218 

address at Alexandria, 222 

on the development of the 

Sudan 233 

at reception by Lord Kitchener, 


address presented to him at 

the Fifth International Confer- 
ence, 245 

deputation to the Marquess of 

Crewe, 247 

paper on the Industrial Coun- 
cil, 253 

paper on Capital and Labour, 


letter to the President of the 

Free Trade Union, 289 

defence of, by Arthur A. 

Haworth, 295 

position in the cotton trade, 


manifesto against Tariff 

Reform, 299 

Lancashire's verdict on B'ree 

Trade, 312 

on Indian cotton duties, 318 

on the needs of agriculture : 

women on the land, 321 

speech on Trafalgar Day, 1916, 




Macara, Lady, 37, 38, 182, 184, 186 

Rev. William, career of, 5-16 

marriage, 8 

- Mrs. William, 8-9 

- William C., 187 
Macara clan, 3 

Macdonald, Ramsay, M.P., question 

in Parliament, 274 
Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 

firms and their names, 38-39 

goods, destination of, 126 

- School, 132 

- Ship Canal, 135, 138 

Victorian, 19 

Mason, Hugh, 67 

Masters and men, 73 

Mawdesley, James, 60n, 70, 76, 82, 

88, 90, 95, 162 
Mellor, " Tommy," 67 
Meux, Admiral Sir Hedworth, 324 
Minders, 79 

Morley, Arnold, letter to, 289 
Mullin, William, 11 In 
Munro, Dr., 34 
Muthu, Dr. C., 192 
National Koalth Insurance Act, 158 
National Register, scheme adopted 

by Government, 168-170 
Northern Counties Textile Trades 

Federation, 84 
Oldham Association, 83 
Operative spinners, address to C. W. 

Macara, 160 
Operatives, 55 
Parlane, Mrs., 31 
Perthshire, home of the Bannermans, 


Piecers, 79 

Protection, what the leaders of the 

operatives think, 298 
Ramsay, Sir William, 165 
Rest in change of work, 179 
Reyner, Arthur, 88, 89 
Ring-spinners, 78 
Rochdale, Mayor of, 76 
Roosevelt, Theodore, correspondence 

with, 218 
Round table conferences, value of, 

Royal National Lifeboat Institution, 

Sailors, our : speech on Trafalgar 

Day, 324 

St. Annes-on-the-Sea, 179 
Scotsmen, migration into England, 14 
Smethurst, Samuel, 90 
Smith, Hoke, Governor of Georgia, 


Stalybridge, 64 
Strathmiglo, 3, 7-8, 10-11 
Strike in 1884, 68 

of 1892-3, 85 et seq., 93 

Sudan, development of the 233 
Sully cotton speculator, 144 
Tariff Reform, 157, 291 

manifesto against, 299 

Tattersall, John Brown, 90 
Thomson, John, President of Man- 
chester Chamber of Commerce, 141 

Toulmin, Sir George, M.P., 272 

Trade Unions, 75 

Trade unionism in the cotton trade, 

78 et seq. 

Trafalgar Day, 1916, 324 
Transport duties, 140 



United Textile Factory Workers' 

Association, 80n, 84n, 157 
Victorian Manchester, 19 
War, effect upon industry, 276 
European, suggestions and 

services of Charles W. Macara, 

160 et seq. 

- terrible effects, 231 
Weavers, handloom, at Strathmiglo, 


West Indies, cotton crop, 199 

Whitney, Eli, 201 

Whit-week in Lancashire, 58-59 

Wingate, Sir Keginald, 237 

Women on the land, 321 

Wyastone Leys, 47 

Young, James, 47 

Marion, 38 

William, 46 


A 001 456 646